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M I D - A M E R I C A 

An Historical Quarterly 


(New Series, Vol. IX) 






Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

CARL!: Consortium of Academic and Research Libraries in Illinois 




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The Observance of the Marquette tercentenary. Arthur J. 

O'Dea 15 

Marquette's Titles to fame. Gilbert J. Garraghan ... 30 

William Howlett, Pioneer Missionary and Historian. Thomas 

F. O'Connor 37, 103 

The Chronicle of Perez de Ribas. Jerome V. Jacobsen . . 81 


Edward R. Vollm^r 96 

father Baegert and His Nachrichten. Ursula Schaefer . . 151 

The first English-Speaking Parish in Illinois, W. B. Faherty 164 

I. The Catholic Church on the Oklahoma Frontier. Sister 
Ursula Thomas 170 

II. The Catholic Church on the Oklahoma frontier; A 
Critical Bibliography. Sister Ursula Thomas .... 186 

Father Pfefferkorn and His Description of Sonora. Theodore 

E. Treutlein 229 

Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, Dominican of the frontier. 

Gilbert J. Garraghan 253 

Jesuit Annual Letters in the Bancroft Library. Peter M. 

Dunne 263 


Account of the first Jesuit Missionary Journey Across the 

Plains to Santa Fe. J. Manuel Espinosa 51 

The Founding of Missions at La Junta de los Rios. Reginald 

C. Reindorp 107 

The Diary of James M. Doyle. Jerome V. Jacobsen . . . 273 

NOTES AND COMMENT 63, 132, 208, 284 

BOOK REVIEWS 70, 140, 214, 293 

CONTRIBUTORS 78, 148, 226, 300 





















An Essay Toward 


By W. KANE, S. J. 
Cloth, xvi + 637 pages, $2.40 

A complete history of education from the earliest times to the present 
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ble for an unusual freshness and keenness of analysis. There is throughout 
an honest attempt to recognize merit and an equally honest contempt 
for superiiciality and sham. 

tribute to a wholesome appreciation of those spiritual values upon which 
ail true education must be based. 



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MID-AMERICA, 6525 Sheridan Road, Chicago, III. 



An Historical Review^ 

JANUARY, 1938 





Arthur J. O'Dea 15 

MARQUETTE'S TITLES TO FAME . . Gilbert J. Garraghan 30 


. Thomas F. O'Connor 37 


. J. Manuel Espinosa 51 



GRIFFIN, The United States and the Disruption of the Spanish Empire 
1810-1822; LILLY, The Colonial Agents of New York and New Jersey; 
Wagner, The Spanish Southwest 1542-1794; Clemence (Ed.), The 
Harkness Collection in the Library of Congress: Documents from 
Early Peru: The Pizarros and the Amalgros, 1531-1578; Espinosa, 
Spanish Tales from New Mexico; Sister Monica, And Then the Storm; 
QuiNSONAS, Monseigneur de Laub^riviere; Hoffman, The Church 
Founders of the Northwest: Loras, Cretin and Other Captains of 







Published quarterly by Loyola University (The Institute of Jesuit History) 
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Publication and editorial oflBces at Loyola University, 6525 Sheridan Road, 
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States. Copyright, 1937, by Loyola University. 

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LOYOLA University Press 

Chicago, Illinois 


An Historical Review^ 

JANUARY, 1938 


Pueblo Founding in Early Mexico 

In the year 1521, after the conquest of the Aztecs, Spain be- 
gan to construct another Spain on the continent of North Amer- 
ica. New Spain was part of the gradually extending colonial 
empire of the mother country, but at the same time it came to 
share many of the ancient institutions of Old Spain. In the course 
of time, with a newly built and growing capital in Mexico City 
and with the arrival of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, 
New Spain bore some likeness to a kingdom in itself. During the 
first fifty years of its development, society in New Spain had 
taken its ultimate colonial form, and political, administrative, 
economic, cultural, and religious programs which were to endure 
throughout the colonial epoch were well rounded out. The new 
realm had even its wild frontiers to the north. From the capital 
and from the organized areas and cities around it, trails led into 
the northwest; these became traveled roads. Mines were opened, 
and the frontier was extended and occupied, so that before the 
end of the sixteenth century other great areas beyond New Spain 
had assumed form under the names of Nuevo Leon to the north 
and along the Gulf of Mexico, Nueva Galicia in the northwest, 
and beyond this in the far northwest of that time, Nueva Vizcaya. 

This construction and advance of empire was made by stages. 
It was accomplished in the face of great obstacles. The men who 
made it successful worked together and they were invariably of 
the vigorous type, captains of Spanish soldiery, captains of the 
mining industry, captains of religious missionary forces. Each 
contributed toward the organization and development of the new 
society of the frontier amid personal hardships and dangers. A 
great number of the mining men died in poverty, and many of 
the missionaries suffered an actual martyrdom or one of charity 
in the process of organization, but the progress continued. 

The consideration in this paper is of one highly important 
item in the Spanish program and advance, namely, the gathering 


of native Indians into villages and their reduction to civilized 
life. This fundamental procedure of concentration was one of 
long standing and it was undertaken sometimes by the Spanish 
officials and sometimes by the missionaries, but more frequently 
by the combined efforts of the two. A notable instance of the 
procedure in operation among the mountains of the wild fron- 
tier of New Spain comes to hand. In this instance missionaries 
played a great part. That the padres of the early mission days 
led a strenuous life may not readily be doubted by those who 
read accounts of labors similar to those of Santaren. 

To settle one thousand seven hundred and twenty-four per- 
sons in ten pueblos, baptize two hundred and eighty-two, and 
perform thirty marriages, besides checking up on twelve hundred 
other persons scattered in rancherias, is a rather fair amount of 
work to have finished in five weeks time. Considering the nature 
of the land and the type of persons so gathered into pueblos, one 
might term it a notable result. Yet this is the record of Father 
Hernando de Santaren, S. J., aided by Captain Diego de Avila for 
the periods of the last few days of February and nearly the 
whole month of December of the year 1600. The account of this 
journey to the northern lands and of the subsequent labor of 
checking and organization was written by Martin Duarte, the 
secretary of the expedition, and is published in full detail in the 
Documentos para la Historia de Mexico.^ The report gives a vivid 
picture of the labor of pueblo founding in seventeenth-century 
Mexico. Santaren, as leader of the missionary forces, likewise 
wrote a description shortly afterwards of the land and customs 
of the people, for the information of the provincial of the Jesuit 
Province of New Spain, Father Ildefonso de Castro, and this was 
published by the Jesuit historian Father Alegre.^ 

The achievements of the missionaries may perhaps be better 
appreciated if a cursory glance is cast at the country in which 
the foundation was made. The Topia-San Andres mining district 
lies high in the Sierra Madre mountains, that great range of 
Mexico's west coast whose austere beauty defies description as 
its rocks have defied modern engineering skill. It is not one 

1 Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, Mexico, 1853-1857, Serie IV, 
Tomo rv, 173-267; this is the Testimonio Juridico de las Poblaciones y con- 
versiones de los serranos Acaches, hechas por el Capitan Diego de Avila y 
el venerable padre Hernando de Santaren por el ano 1600. 

2 Francisco Javier Alegre, Historia de la Compania de Jesi'is en Nueva 
Espana, Mexico, 1841, I, 394-407. For convenience this Santaren relation will 
be cited in the following pages according to its page place in Alegre. 


range but a series of parallel ridges reaching in Chihuahua a 
width of three hundred miles and stretching fifteen hundred 
miles southeast to Guadalajara. Extremely high and rugged in 
the north, on the lower Pacific coast the mountains break into a 
network of gorges thousands of feet in depth. The terrifying 
beauty of Urique is paralleled farther south in the quebrada coun- 
try of Durango. There the well-watered slopes are covered with 
dense forests of poplars, oaks, maples, pines, and close tangled 
brushwood, which make them almost impenetrable. The torrents 
cutting into the mountain side, the wide, dusty stretches of the 
mesas, the weird cries of the forest animals only add to the sav- 
age grandeur.^ Extremes of temperature as well as of scenery are 
met with in these canyons. In less than two days one may pass 
from six feet of snow on the summits, down through corn and 
bean fields on the plateaux, and on to the lowlands where zapote, 
cotton, chile, and all the plants of the hot countries are grown.* 

Within these mountains lived the Acaxee Indians, each family 
gathered in a small, inaccessible rancheria.'^ They were an agri- 
cultural, semi-nomadic people of the Uti-Aztecan stock. ^ Rem- 
nants of the tribe now live in the "ex-partido" district of Tama- 
zula, Durango.^ Estimates give about twenty-five thousand 
Acaxee for the first years of the seventeenth century, about 
twelve thousand of whom were already in the charge of the 
Jesuit missionaries,^ Much of this achievement was due to the 
efforts of Santaren who labored in this field for over sixteen 
years and sealed his work with a martyr's death in the Tepehuan 
Revolt of 1616.^ His fame as a pueblo-founder is second only to 
his reputation as a missionary, as the Duarte account of one of 
his first tours of the mining country shows. 

The Indians of this region ran wild amid the mountains and 
hid their rancherias high up on the sides of the gorges, where the 
white man could not follow. Their life was one of poverty and 
petty warfare, which was undertaken at times for primitive rea- 

3 Geographie Universelle, Tome XIV; Maximilien Sorre, Mexique et 
Am6rique Centrale, Paris, 1928, 36-38; Alegre, I, 394. 

4 Ralph L. Beals, The Acaxee, University of California Press, Berkeley, 
1933, 9; Alegre, I, 395. 

5 Alegre, I, 396. 

6 Beals, 3. 
T Ibid., 1. 

8 Carl Sauer, Aboriginal Population of North-Western Mexico, Berkeley, 
University of California Press, 1935, 22. 

9 Peter M. Dunne, S. J., "The Tepehudn Revolt," Mid-America, XVIII, 
1936, 3-14, gives a survey of the temporary end of the work of Santar6n, 
and of the end of his missionary career. 


sons and at other times for no reason except the bellicose nature 
of the leaders. Santaren, in describing the methods of existence 
and the foodstuffs of the mountain peoples, notices the fish of 
the streams, the squirrels of different kinds, some as large as 
cats, the great abundance of fowls, the bees, and honey as white 
as snow. What amazed him was one woodpeckers' granary in an 
old pine tree that had been perforated with thousands of holes, 
each one containing an acorn. ^° Meat of animals and birds, 
frijoles, maize, the meal drinks of atole and pinole, are other 
mentionable foods, though it is not to be supposed that all of the 
items were partaken of at each repast. Lions were about and 
were killed, for part of the war accouterment was made from 
their hides. When on the warpath the Indians were armed and 
apparently were given to conducting themselves much after the 
approved fashion of our own Iroquois and Sioux. Had they al- 
ways dwelt thus in the upper valleys and mountainsides, or had 
the coming of the Spaniards driven them from their old fields? 
At any rate in the year 1600 they were living in small, isolated 
groups, united by bonds of blood-relationship — wild, timid, bar- 
barous. Missionary tours through this country had convinced 
the authorities that nothing permanent in the work of civiliza- 
tion and conversion could be achieved in such surroundings. The 
Indians must be brought down from the heights and settled in 
villages, where instruction in Christian living and Christian doc- 
trine could be given them. 

Difficulties of many kinds hindered the work. Often the In- 
dians could not be found. When found many did not want to 
come, wary lest Spanish labor and possible enslavement might 
become their lot. They feared, above all, the loss of their idols 
and the vengeance of their gods. However, the gifts of the Span- 
iards and the promise of protection against their enemies pre- 
vailed over their fears, and the work was begun. 

Nowhere in mission annals is the co-operative work of Church 
and State so well shown as in pueblo-founding. The captains ac- 
companied the missionaries that the prestige of the State might 
confirm the authority of the padre. The record of Captain 
Hurdaide in the Sinaloa and Yaqui missions has a fainter but 
true echo in the missions within the Sierra Madres. It was to 
the San Andres mining district that Captain Diego de Avila ac- 
companied the padre Hernando de Santaren in the year in ques- 

loAlegre, I, 395. 


A citizen of Durango and an encomendero in his own right, 
as was also his brother Alonzo, Diego de Avila knew and under- 
stood the Indian character, and the Indian turned to him with 
confidence for help and protection even while he feared his just 
punishment. The commission issued to Avila by His Excellency, 
the Viceroy of New Spain, Gasper de Zuriiga y Acevedo, gave 
him broad powers. He was charged to go as captain, pacifier, 
and judge to those parts of country where the Indians were best 
disposed to receive the instructions of the padres. There, in union 
with the priests, he was to gather them into pueblos, pacify, 
quiet, and protect them, and establish Christian order and dis- 
cipline in the community. ^^ To do this the Indians must be brought 
down to the plains where there was water and fertile land and 
the possibility of communication, indispensable for civilized life. 
Accordingly, messengers were sent scampering over the moun- 
tains bearing the captain's summons for all to gather at desig- 
nated points to confer with him. 

With such a primitive people example is more persuasive 
than argument. Therefore, as the runners bore their message 
to more distant tribes, the work was begun near at hand among 
the Indians of La Prospera, a mining camp about a league only 
from San Andres. There were assembled the Indians of the 
serrania, who knew some Spanish and who could be counted upon 
to appreciate better the advantages of congregacion. The example 
of the first pueblo would encourage the other more timid tribes 
to follow suit. 

The procedure followed is typical of that used with each 
successive group. There was first a check-up on the numbers of 
those present. Were all there? If not, how many were missing? 
And why? The excuse of harvesting beans and corn rarely failed 
to account for the absence of those who feared the Spanish in- 
fluence and the surrender of their wild, free life. Then the padre 
ordered a cross to be made and erected on a mound where all 
could see it, and he, the captain, and the other Spaniards pros- 
trated before it. It is not difficult to picture the crowd of curious 
natives watching the ceremony with silent interest, nor their 
eagerness to imitate when the father, in their Acaxee tongue, 
called on them to do the same. At once they were part of the 
scene, willing to listen to the explanation of this wooden symbol 
and to learn to make the sign of the cross upon themselves. The 

11 Documentos, Serie IV, T. IV, 174. 


newly awakened interest was not left to cool in idleness. Posses- 
sion having been taken of the spot in the name of the Lord 
Bishop of the Kingdom, the Indians were set to work building a 
temporary shelter, a ramada, into which all entered — padre, 
Spaniards, natives — for further instructions and repeated pray- 
ers. There was planning, also, for the future. Together they 
chose the site for the church, marking it off carefully. The In- 
dians cleared the land of its thickets and long grasses, and cut 
timber for a hut. Later on there was to be a church of adobe, 
larger and more fitting for divine worship. But even now in its 
primitive form it was named, and Santa Ana de la Prospera was 
asked to be the patroness of the new village. The captain prom- 
ised a picture and a bell, and gave one of his Christian Indians to 
serve as temastidn.^^ 

The Indians were not forgotten in the matter of agrarian 
organization. Groups were told to choose the land which best 
suited them for their homes, and to mark out the spot, so that 
there should be no cause for discord and rivalry in the future. 
The captain gave each Indian a grant for his land in the name 
of the king and the viceroy. Sections were reserved, also, for 
those who were missing, and all appeared happy and contented. 
A period of six weeks was set by the captain for the removal 
from the mountains to the new pueblo, with the threat of forced 
removal if the work were not finished in time. 

Scattered through the Testimonio are delightful sidelights of 
human interest, which disclose the childlike, improvident nature 
of the native. There are requests for food, because the natives 
had not been able to bring as much as was needed and the supply 
was all gone.^^ The captain saves the situation, and perhaps 
the perseverance of the new recruits, by sending post-haste to 
the mining camp for supplies. At another time it is an order for 
axes to cut timber for the houses which had been ordered. There 
were lessons in politeness, also, that must have brought a smile 
to the faces of the bystanders. The Indians were taught to re- 
ceive the padres in courtly fashion, to go out to welcome them, to 
kneel down to kiss their hands with reverence. There were prom- 
ises of presents for those who worked on points of propriety. 
Knives, fish, salt, and materials for clothes for themselves and 
their wives could be won. As all these suggestions were well re- 

12 The term temastidn signifies a catechist or native instructor in Chris- 
tian Doctrine. 

13 Ibid., 177. 


ceived, a further advance was made. Since exterior cleanliness 
was regarded as next to godliness by the padre, obvious steps 
had to be taken, for, judged by their exterior, the natives ex- 
hibited none of virtue's ways. Their hair was long and unkempt. 
Tactfully the hint was given that only women wore long hair. 
The men should follow the example of the Spaniards. Indians 
whose intelligence and training marked them for the offices of 
alcaldes and alguaciles were called up and their hair cut, in some 
cases even by the captain himself "with his own hands and 

In the appointment of officers a certain distinction is notice- 
able in the powers of priest and soldier and an evident increase 
of authority on the part of the captain. In the first journey, in 
February, the natives of San Diego asked at once for rods of 
such offices as alcaldes, alguaciles, and fiscales. The captain re- 
plied that the appointment to the first two offices belonged to 
the governor and his ministers. He could only ask that the favor 
be granted. Later on, in December, he seems to have been given 
the power of appointment, for, at each foundation made, alcaldes 
and alguaciles were immediately named. From the first, however, 
the missionaries appointed both temastidn and fiscal to office. 
The cleverer Indians were naturally selected for these positions. 
Some, who proved most trustworthy and zealous, were sent, at 
times, to stir up enthusiasm for the work among the other tribes, 
or, more often still, to search out the idols hidden in the ran- 

This idol-worship was the chief obstacle to the work of 
congregacion. The Indians persisted in the practice long after 
open profession of Christianity had been made. In several in- 
stances, blame for the misconduct is laid directly on one or two 
Indians, who were brought before the captain when apprehended, 
and given six lashes. One of the first conditions set for the new 
converts was that they give up their idols. Usually threats suf- 
ficed to make the idolaters produce them, though pet idols were 
sometimes retained, hidden in corners and holes for secret 
worship. Only punishment could bring these to light. 

The idols were of diverse size and appearance. One collection 
consisted of "seventeen packages of stone pieces, some of tor- 
toise shell, others in the shape of birds, dolls, and among these 
was a little white jaw bone, like that of a child which it is cus- 

i4J6id., 193. 


tomary to carve and paint as stone. In like manner there were 
big shin bones and bones of human beings."^^ 

Sometimes the idols were adorned with pieces of home-spun 
string, tied about the neck as a necklace. These images were 
thought to be gods of the water, wind, corn, sowings, sickness, 
and many other things, and parting with them meant a struggle 
for many a poor native. One instance in which grace won a signal 
victory is that of Andres, who came to the fathers at San Pedro 
y San Pablo on December 11. He had a story that was worth 
telling, and the careful secretary of the expedition, Martin 
Duarte, does not let us miss it. This god is described as having 

really and truly a man's face, eyes, nose, mouth, head, and beard. This 
[idol] Andres had acquired many years before in this manner. Going into 
a hill near this pueblo he heard voices as of many persons crying, and they 
said: "Are you asleep? What are you doing?" Andres had replied: "I am 
not asleep." And looking in the direction of the voices, he saw a large form 
moving away which gave two other cries. As soon as he was assured of its 
reality, it ran away and disappeared, as it were, into the ground. W^hen he 
came up to see where and how it had disappeared, he found only this head 
with eyes, nose, mouth, beard, and neck. This head said to him: "Look, I 
am god, and I give you permission not to fast, but you will eat deer, and 
give me always corn and tomales; this is my food." Andres took it to his 
house and ordinarily gave it many tomales and much com, which the idol 
had eaten and praised many times. Lastly this very night, when Andres 
went to take the idol to bring it to the captain and father (as a result of 
their exhortations) it had spoken to him in his language and said: "I am 
not the devil, for which reason you bring me to the captain and the father. 
What have they given you for which you surrender me? Have they given 
you corn? Have they supported you? This year your house is full of corn 
and many other things which I have given you." To which Andres replied 
that he had to take him. At which the idol wept and appeared very sad. 
... In the morning the idol spoke again: "You take me to die in the power 
of the father and the captain and these Christians who are in their company. 
Well, look. My heart goes with my father. We shall see what these Chris- 
tians wUl give you."i6 

Mere surrender of idols was not sufficient ; they must be com- 
pletely destroyed. For this purpose a large bonfire was built in 
the public square, and in the presence of all the Indians the false 
gods were burnt and "reduced to ashes." The larger ones had 
first been broken up by the Spaniards. 

The captain and father broke the idols to pieces with their own hands 
having given great blows with them against the other stones with much 

IB /bid., 199. 
16 Ibid., 206-207. 


spiritual consolation, and giving many thanks to Our Lord for the fruit 
which would be drawn from this journey, pacification, and conversion.17 

On one occasion when the Spaniards were thus vigorously 
destroying stone idols, a very aged woman came out of one of 
the houses of the rancheria. She spoke angrily to them of the 
vengeance of the gods thus insulted, who would certainly now 
send the Xiximees to kill the Acaxee Indians. This fear of the 
hostile Xiximee south of them seems to have been very real and 
potent among the Acaxee. Protection against them was one of 
the most efficacious inducements for the congregacion, and the 
promise had to be reiterated with emphasis to save the situation. 

Another plea for protection, which came to the captain sev- 
eral times in the course of this expedition, had in view an inter- 
vention with the minor Spanish officials whose exercise of au- 
thority was excessive. One official mentioned in this regard is 
the magistrate of San Andres. Avila deferred intervention here 
in order to avoid the scandal of conflict of authority among the 
Spaniards. The decision was reserved for the higher authority 
of the governor. Another such complaint came to the captain one 
night at eleven-thirty. The Indians of Ocatitlan came to com- 
plain "that just after the captain and the fathers had left, Do- 
mingo de Tapia (the lieutenant) had entered into the pueblo, 
molested them, and ordered many things which had not been 
commanded them." Here was an offense manifestly within his 
jurisdiction, and the captain, though ill at the time, acted prompt- 
ly. In spite of the late hour, his devoted secretary was sent to 
the pueblo to prove to the people that the captain's promise of 
justice and protection could be trusted. The lieutenant, brought 
before the captain that same night, was given to understand the 
necessity of justice and fairness in dealing with the natives. 

Though abuses from such minor officials seemed inevitable, 
measures were taken to guard the Indians from the encroach- 
ments of the Spaniards. Early in December an order was issued 
forbidding anyone "to go to the settlements of the Acaxee In- 
dians or to any one of their houses, without the express order 
of the captain's lieutenant, who is Caspar de Tapia, under 
penalty, for a Spaniard one hundred pesos of common gold, for 
an Indian two hundred lashes."^® This order was signed by the 
captain and proclaimed close to the church door by the voice of 
Nicolas Ignacio. 

i7 7bid.j 199. 
18 /bid., 202. 


The captain used every means in his power to win the Indians 
to the new life; threats and punishments were employed only 
against those who influenced others to persist in idolatry or sin- 
ful ways. The vanity of the Indians was humored. Their assump- 
tion of Spanish names and titles was respected. The better dis- 
posed among them were immediately made aids in the great 
work. The following incident gives an insight into the captain's 
tactics. Don Juan, a likely Indian, had been duly instructed, bap- 
tized, and married by Father Hernando de Santaren, and ap- 
pointed fiscal and temastidn of the village of Don Pedro. His in- 
fluence was growing, and the captain believed in encouraging a 
good work begun. Before leaving the village he called Don Juan 
aside for a private interview telling him how much he and the 
father trusted, loved, and counted on him, and what good he had 
done and was doing. To show his appreciation the captain wanted 
to give him a suitable present ; he had already given him clothes. 
Don Juan must have a horse of his own, on which he could ride 
as privileged as a Spaniard. This was the tenth of December. On 
Christmas Day he must came to the captain's ranch and choose 
a horse for himself; he will have just the one he wants. In the 
meantime he must encourage the other Indians in the work of 
settlement, telling them that the captain promises them favors, 
and help and protection against their enemies. He must persuade 
them to give up their idols and their evil ways and come to the 

Though some Indians opposed the removal to the pueblos, 
others begged for the privilege as soon as the prosperity and 
happiness of the settled regions became known. Delegations were 
sent to speak of their desires to the captain^" and a date was fixed 
for their settlement. A striking instance of earnestness in this 
respect was that of Agustinillo. This chief had brought his people 
from their rancherias in the heights and had settled in the lower 
valley, waiting for the coming of the captain and the padres. 
Eight or nine months were spent there, and some houses were 
built, but the captain did not come that way. In the meantime, 
word of the settlement reached the captain, Alonzo Jaramillo, 
magistrate of San Andres. Evidently his permission for the set- 
tlement had not been asked; at any rate he was displeased. 
Agustinillo was seized and beaten, but still he waited, hoping 
against hope for the coming of the padres. At length the Indians 
felt that they must retire, so they burnt the little village begun 

19 /bid., 186. 


with such hope and climbed again to their old rancherias. Then 
came the captain's summons and word of his approach. Was the 
delay a test of the sincerity of their desire of conversion? If so, 
it had done its work. Agustinillo obeyed the call promptly. Again 
his people descended the mountain and began to build, so that 
when the father and captain arrived the Indians could point with 
commendable pride to "three or four finished houses and many 
others begun." They had even begun work on a house in which 
the missionaries might live when they came to instruct them. 
They made one condition, a justifiable one it would seem, that 
the captain would not allow the magistrate of San Andres "to do 
them harm, separate, or disturb them, and in return they would 
obey the father and captain in all things, as they had done in 
former times." 

This mention of former times implies a previous instruction 
in Christianity, probably during the missionary tours made in 
this country in the last years of the sixteenth century. Agus- 
tinillo's people were not the only ones who had met the mission- 
aries. Other groups of Indians were found who had been taught 
the prayers in Latin, "a Latin," the secretary adds, "so badly 
pronounced that in all the four prayers they do not pronounce 
two words well."2° "They say Tater noster quiet in cells, etc' "^^ 
Therefore they rejoiced at receiving a missionary who could 
speak their own tongue and they begged the father to come to 
their pueblos that they may know what they ought to believe, 
and who God is, where He is, and the benefits which they have 
received from Him.-- 

It may be enlightening to follow the missionaries in a typical 
day's work — that of December 14 at San Diego. There one hun- 
dred and sixty-three Indians had gathered, some from distant 
parts, for instruction. Baptism and the other sacraments were 
administered with appropriate advice for each group. Then came 
the formal ceremony of taking possession of the town in the 
name of the new bishop, and of the governor, followed by another 
speech. Rebellious Indians were summoned before the captain 
and punished. While the captain chose alcaldes and alguaciles, 
and encouraged the people to plant trees, raise chickens, etc., 
Father Santaren appointed a temastidn and fiscal and entered 
the records in the books. There were hair-cuttings, land was 
chosen and allotted, and further instructions were given. Indians 

20 Ibid., 251. 

21 Ibid., 248. 

22 Ibid. 


coming in late were instructed, baptized, and married, with "love, 
charity, and patience." 

About three in the afternoon, the entire party was setting out 
for San Martin, a distance of more than five leagues, when re- 
ports of relapses into idolatry came to worry them. On the way 
some Indians, whom they were bringing to San Martin for settle- 
ment, deserted, "going secretly into the quehrada." When the 
captain discovered the deception, a council was held on the spot. 
He was eager to pursue and bring back the delinquents; but, 
"after each one had given his opinion," it was decided to ignore 
the trickery and wait, hoping to win these people back at a next 
visit, for they were not yet docile and friendly. 

It was an hour after sunset when the travelers arrived at 
San Martin, but there, also, "many people were waiting at the 
door of the church." If they had the temptation to slip around 
another way, they resisted it manfully. Both the father and the 
captain embraced the people and thanked them for their punctu- 
ality in coming. Then the secretary adds laconically — "the father 
taught the doctrina many times." The captain, meanwhile, was 
busy issuing orders of protection and appointment. 

The final record of the expedition shows ten villages founded. 
In each of these towns, tribes from several rancherias were 
gathered. The site chosen was close to the highway running from 
Culiacan to San Andres. The advantages of the trade with the 
passersby were kept before the natives. They were told that they 
would draw profits from it, with which they could buy new 
clothes for themselves and for their wives. They could learn the 
Spanish ways. They would have protection against their enemies. 
These advantages were obvious, but to the captain the chief 
advantage of the settlement lay in its position on a well-traveled 
road. This situation would be a factor in the destruction of idola- 
try. There life would be lived with the European close at hand, 
and it would not be so easy to slip away to the old haunts and 
carry on the ancient feasts and revels. Pagan idols once destroyed 
must not be set up again. A new environment, new occupations, 
new profits, and unwonted ease were to be had in the pueblos. 

If the difficult time of settlement could be passed successfully, 
Christianity might yet flourish among these people. This was 
the basic cause of the settlements, the great work on which priest 
and soldier alike were set. If this were achieved, the labor and 
suffering would not have been in vain. 

Catherine M. McShane 

The Observance of the Marquette 

The Celebration in France 

Jacques Marquette, the sixth child of the marriage of Nicho- 
las Marquette^ and Rose de la Salle, was born in the historic city 
of Laon, France, on Monday, June 1, 1637. His birthplace on 
Champ Saint-Martin, later the Free School for Girls of the Com- 
munity of Marquette Sisters, founded by his sister, Frangoise, 
unfortunately disappeared during the last century, but stood on 
the present site of the houses numbered 3-8 of the new Rue 
Marcelin Berthelot." The citizenry of modem Laon, aware of his 
achievements, and wishing to pay tribute to one of her greatest 
sons, were the first to plan exercises to commemorate the 300th 
anniversary of the birth of Father Marquette. Senator Rillart 
de Vemeuil expressed the tercentenary sentiment of Laon in 
these words : 

The boast of Laon has been that of being one of the first free commiines 
in history, of having stood over a long period as the second capital of the 
Kings of France, and of having served as the cradle of many sovereigns, of 
having erected in the thirteenth century a cathedral which possessed the 
most beautiful towers in the world. . . . All these souvenirs, one might say, 
linked Laon with a glorious past. Through Marquette she is bound to the 
future since the lands where he instilled civilization as well as the faith, 
are in the full flower of their vigorous and fecund youth. s 

A group in Laon, including six great-grandnephews of Father 
Marquette, took the initiative by organizing a committee in 
France to mark this tercentenary with a monument in his natal 
city. The Laon committee was international in scope, including 
among its patrons and honorary members, the French hierarchy, 
high officials of the French Grovemment, members of the French 
Academy, the United States Ambassador, the Canadian Min- 
ister, and leading French, Canadian, and American historians. A 
prospectus bearing the names of the fifty-seven members of the 
honorary committee and twenty-three members of the active 

1 Genealogy of Father Marquette, Archives, St. Mary's College, Mon- 

2 Jacques Marquette et L'Inauguration de son Monument d Laon, pub- 
lished by Tablettes d'Aisne, Laon, 1937. 

3 The New World, Volume XLV, No. 20, May 14, 1937. 



committee, describing the project with a picture of the proposed 
monument by the sculptor Jean Topin, was circularized in 
France, the United States, and Canada. 

On learning of the Marquette Tercentenary plans in France, 
a group of American laymen,* in November, 1936, immediately 
made inquiry to ascertain whether similar exercises were being 
planned in the United States. After diligent inquiry disclosed 
that no plans were being made to observe the event in America, 
the group circularized American schools, colleges, learned so- 
cieties, and leaders among the clergy and laity, to encourage 
national and local celebrations of the event. A most favorable 
response promised a complete American observance of the event ; 
it was apparent no central or national committee would be re- 
quired to assure success. Very Reverend Michael J. Ready, Gen- 
eral Secretary of the National Catholic Welfare Conference, and 
Honorable F. Ryan Duffy, United States Senator from Wiscon- 
sin, made plans for a national observance ; Marquette University, 
the city of Marquette, Michigan, the city of Ludington, Michigan, 
and the city of Chicago, ever conscious of Marquette's contribu- 
tion to America, planned civic and religious exercises; writers, 
editors, and teachers agreed to mark the tercentenary in their 
respective fields. 

The Celebration in France 
The French Mission, organized by the Franco- American Com- 
mittee to observe the 250th anniversary of the death of Robert 
Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, and the tercentenary of the birth of 
Marquette, opened the celebration of the Marquette Tercentenary 
in France, as the commission sailed from Le Havre on March 11, 
1937, to visit the regions and places in the United States asso- 
ciated with Father Marquette and La Salle. Among the members 
were Andrew Chevrillon of the French Academy; Louis Marlio 
of the Academy of Moral Sciences ; General Perriere of the Acad- 
emy of Sciences ; Fortuna Strowski of the Institute and delegate 
of the University of Paris ; President Laurent of the Paris Munici- 
pal Council; Madame Marcelle Tinayre, novelist; Prince and 
Princess Achille Murat, and Gabriel Louis Jaray, organizer of the 
mission. This group was augmented by the Canadian group. They 
arrived at New Orleans and traveled up the Mississippi to Chi- 
cago. After a visit to Quebec, they were received by the Mayor of 
New York City and thence departed for France. While the French 

4 Associated with the Loyola House of Retreats, Morristown, N. J. 


Mission was in the United States, U Illustration issued a special 
France-America number^ commemorating the tercentenary with 
feature articles on Marquette, prints of old seventeenth-century 
maps of North America, and splendid illustrations, including cuts 
of both sides of the Marquette Tercentenary Medal issued by the 
Paris mint. The face of the medal bears the bearded profile of 
Marquette circumscribed with the inscription "Jacques Mar- 
quette, 1637-1937." The following appears on the reverse side: 


Tri-Centenaire — de Jacques Marquette 

Missionnaire et explorateur 

Francais — ne a Laon 

Explorateur de I'Amerique — du Nord 

Le Wisconsin — le Mississipi — le Missouri — I'Ohio 

rillinois — le Saint-Laurent" 

The Laon Exercises 

The old glory of Laon was awakened on Sunday, June 13, 
1937, and the entire day was passed paying homage to the revered 
son of Laon who conquered the American wilderness in deed and 
in faith. His father, Nicholas Marquette, had espoused the cause 
of Henry of Navarre with so much ardor that he was banished 
from Laon only to return honored and with added wealth and 
powers when Henry became king. Like his father, Jacques Mar- 
quette surrendered the world at Laon for the King of Kings and 
returned in spirit triumphant on June 13 to a place beside the 
immortals of the proud and ancient city. 

The exercises of the day opened with the celebration of 
Solemn High Mass in Laon's famed cathedral within the sound 
of whose bells the boy Jacques was born thirty decades ago. The 
celebrant was M. I'abbe Pierre Barbier, Director of the Semi- 
nary at Soissons, and great-grandnephew of Father Marquette. 
Seated in the sanctuary, which was draped with the French, 
American, and Papal flags, were distinguished members of the 
hierarchy of France, Adelard Dugre, S. J., delegate of the Su- 
perior General of the Society of Jesus in Rome, Bernard Leib, 
Provincial of the Society of Jesus of Champagne, A. de Par- 
villez, S. J., Pastor of Notre Dame of Liesse, the priests of 
Laon, and the members of the Marquette family. The parish 
choir sang a special Mass in four parts composed by the Jesuits 

5 L' Illustration No. 4910, April 10, 1937, Paris, France. 


at Metz. The vast cathedral was filled for the occasion. Father 
Dugre preached the sermon on Marquette, pointing to the ma- 
terial hardships overcome by Marquette and Jolliet in their trek 
through the American forests, as evidence that their success 
was a conquest by spiritual power. 

The City Hall, adorned with French and American flags, was 
the place of assembly for a parade accompanying the guests of 
the day to the scene of the unveiling of the monument. Led by 
the Mayor and Municipal Council, the autos bearing the guests 
were followed by the civic, historic, and learned societies of 
Laon, and those of neighboring towns. With bands, banners, and 
regimental colors of the French armies of the ancient past, 
soldiers of past campaigns, boy scouts, military, athletic, and 
civic societies, the parade marched along the street where Jac- 
ques Marquette was born, to the Square de la Porte de Soissons, 
where the monument stands in full view of the Soissons na- 
tional highway. In the presence of the Marquette family, repre- 
sentatives of France and United States, the French hierarchy, 
and the Society of Jesus, after the playing of the "Marseillaise" 
and the "Star Spangled Banner," a flight of pigeons was released, 
and as they rose in flight, Senator Rillart de Verneuil presented 
the monument to the city of Laon. 

While the Senator spoke, Mr. Charles Westercamp placed at 
the base of the monument a nugget of copper from Lake Superior 
mines and gave to the Mayor a coffer of blessed soil taken from 
the place where Marquette died. The nugget was sent by Mme. 
Paul of Marquette, Michigan, and the soil was sent by the citi- 
zens of Ludington, Michigan. Mr. Westercamp then poured over 
the base of the monument water taken from the Mississippi at 
the place where Marquette first sighted the Father of Waters at 
Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin. The Mississippi water was sent by 
the students and professors of Marquette University as a token 
of American appreciation to the citizens of Laon. There had also 
been superimposed on either sides of the plaque, slabs of granite 
from the Marquette, Michigan, quarries, bearing the coat of 
arms of France and the Indian emblem of the Morning Star. 
These tokens were sent by the citizens of Chicago. The nugget 
of copper, chest of sand, and water cask, with papers attesting 
their origins, were sealed in the corner stone of the monument. 

At the conclusion of the Senator's presentation address, Mr. 
Charles Westercamp, French Secretary of the Laon Commit- 
tee, unveiled France's first monument to Father Marquette. 


Set on a base of five granite steps against a background of 
twin granite shafts, a bronze plaque portrays in unbearded 
profile the full length figure of the young Jesuit explorer-priest. 
Bronze was cast from old sous given by the citizens of Laon 
and pennies sent by the school children of Marquette, Michigan, 
Flanking Marquette in the lower background is Louis Jolliet 
kneeling in the prow of a canoe, and an American Indian seated 
in the same canoe. On the base of the plaque is inscribed : 


Grand Missionnaire 

Pionnier de la Civilisation 

Ne a Laon le 1 Juin 1637 

Mort au Canada, 16 Mai 1675 

Ses compatriotes — Ses admirateurs 

Que le Soleil est beau, frangais, 
, Quand tu nous viens visiter. 


In accepting the statue the Mayor of Laon closed his address 
with these expressive words: 

In greeting Mr. Murphy, representative of the Ambassador of the 
United States, and Mr. Kidder, delegate from Marquette, who have honored 
this ceremony by their presence, I wish to express to them publicly how 
appreciative we are of this veneration which their countrymen manifest 
towards Marquette. 

We like to see in this one more proof of the friendship which unites 
our two great democratic republics, one more attestation of a common bond 
which seems the best guarantee of international peace. 

We pride ourselves on the fact that this local celebration is a reflection 
of Franco-American feeling and our greatest hope is that it will tend to 
link more closely the bonds of friendship which unite these two great 

Mr. H. H. Kidder of Marquette, Michigan, representing the 
American city named after the favored son of Laon, was then 
introduced and in his address described the new statue : 

His self-reliance and calm serenity are reflected in the features and 
the entire mien of this fine statue, which is, I believe, a true likeness and 
clear interpretation of his expression. This calmness is in striking contrast 
to the severe labors, hard sufferings and inevitable end of his mission. His 
courage and gaiety imder trials, his intelligence, his noble simplicity and 
his sacrifice inspired by a burning faith, in a word his consecration to a 
high ideal, create in us and leave in us an imperishable memory. 

It is in this precious memory that we hold so dear in common with our 


friends of Laon, that our Mayor appointed me to bear the salutations of our 
young city to your ancient city, the birthplace of Father Marquette. 

M. Gabriel Hanotaux, member of the French Academy, then 
reviewed the exploits of Father Marquette in a learned and 
scholarly address. Mr. Robert Murphy, First Secretary of the 
United States Embassy at Paris and graduate of Marquette Uni- 
versity, then spoke as the representative of the United States 
and Marquette University. The Honorable Frangois de Tessan, 
Under-Secretary of State, addressed the assemblage on behalf 
of the President of France, saying in part : "It is the spirit of love 
and of peace transmitted by the French pioneers to the New 
World and by their American successors, which must inspire 
and fortify us in our hope and in our desire for universal inter- 
national peace." With the singing of the hymn "France" by the 
choral Union, the exercises of dedication of the first monument 
to Father Marquette in France were closed. 

A banquet followed, attended by the honored guests and cele- 
brants. After dinner, Honorable Jean Latour, Prefect of the 
Aisne, spoke on American good will evoked by the Marquette 
tercentenary; Mr. Charles Westercamp, as Secretary of the Laon 
Committee and President of the Academic Society of Laon, which 
sponsored the project, then reviewed the work of the Committee, 
acknowledging the services and contributions of persons and or- 
ganizations in France and the United States, emphasizing par- 
ticularly the good will created between the United States and 
France by Father Marquette. Mr. Westercamp closed with these 
laudatory words : "Glory to the son of Laon, Jacques Marquette, 
superb and sublime bond between our two countries." Toasts 
were then tendered by the Mayor of Laon, Under-Secretary of 
State de Tessan, and Mr. Gabriel Hanotaux of the French Acad- 
emy. With a gala tercentenary concert in the evening, another 
great day became a part of Laon's historic past. 

The National Celebration in the United States 
The tercentenary of the birth of Pere Marquette was officially 
observed in the United States by Public Resolution^ of Congress 
and Proclamation^ of the President of the United States, direct- 
ing all Government officials to display the flag of the United 
States on all Government buildings on the first day of June, 1937, 
and inviting all people of the United States to observe that day 

6 Public Resolution No. 33, 75th Congress, First Session. 

7 Presidential Proclamation made May 27, 1937, 


and the anniversary year in schools, churches, and other suitable 
places with appropriate ceremonies commemorating the tercen- 
tenary. The tribute of the Congress and of the President of the 
United States to Father Marquette, was the prelude to patriotic 
and religious commemorative exercises on the tercentenary day 
in the nation's capital and throughout the country where his 
memory is revered. 

Sponsored by the National Catholic Welfare Conference, 
under the direction of the Very Reverend Monsignor Michael J. 
Ready, assisted by William F. Montavon, Esquire,® the Reverend 
Laurence J. Kelly, S. J.,^ and Eugene J. Butler, Esquire," na- 
tional exercises in tribute to the zealous and fearless pioneer 
American explorer and missionary were conducted in Statuary 
Hall of the United States Capitol on Tuesday, June 1, 1937, at 
ten o'clock in the morning, before the Trentanove statue" of 
Marquette. The exercises opened with the invocation of the Most 
Reverend John M. McNamara, Auxiliary Bishop of Baltimore, 
and with the reading of the Proclamation of the President of 
the United States. Wreaths were placed at the base of the statue 
by young women of Trinity College and the National Catholic 
School of Social Science. There followed addresses by representa- 
tives of the Society of Jesus, representatives of Marquette's 
native land and the States of the Middle West, where he labored 
and died. Reverend Edmund A. Walsh, S. J., Vice-President 
of Georgetown University, representing the Society of Jesus, 
stressed these contributions of Marquette : 

His documents constitute one of the most important contributions to 
early Americana containing, as they do, comments on geography, topogra- 
phy, and ethnology, on the location of villages and settlements, on tides and 
tributary waterways, on the customs of the aborigines, on the nature of the 
vegetation, game and all animal life. He even includes some shrewd esti- 
mates concerning the possibilities of future commercial developments. 

The Honorable Jules Henry, Minister Plenipotentiary, Coun- 
selor of the Embassy of France, said : 

On behalf of his native country, where he spent his youthful years 
preparing himself, through meditation and study, for the great tasks that 
awaited him across the ocean, let me acknowledge the signal honor which, 

8 Director of the Legal Department of the N. C. W. C. 

9 Rector, St. Aloysius Church, Washington, D. C. 

10 Assistant to Mr. Montavon. 

11 Erected by the State of Wisconsin as the tribute of that state to 
Father Marquette in 1892. See John A. Brosnan, S. J., "Marquette in the 
Hall of Fame," Jesuit Seminary News, Vol. 12, No. 4, July- August, 1937. 


in the impressive setting of the Capitol of the United States, is being ex- 
tended to a beloved son of France. 

The envoy then read the following message sent by the Hon- 
orable Yvon Delbos, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France : 

The Government of the Republic and the French nation have learned 
with feelings of emotion and gratitude of the resolution passed by the Con- 
gress of the United States for the commemoration of the tercentenary of 
the birth of Father Marquette. 

We are deeply moved by such a tribute being paid to the memory of 
a Frenchman who, through self-sacrifice and courage, devoted his whole life 
to the service of mankind. The discoveries of Marquette, nearly three cen- 
turies ago, have opened the first chapter of the history of French- American 
friendship. By commemorating now this anniversary, the American nation 
again testifies of its faithfulness and devotion to a common past, which 
France acknowledges and appreciates to its full value. 

Honorable Prentiss M. Brown, United States Senator from 
Michigan, whose home at Saint Ignace is the place of Father 
Marquette's burial, told how his study of the Jesuit Relations led 
him to a deep appreciation of the achievements of Father Mar- 
quette, whose journeys he traced out carefully and studiously: 

When one understands the background of the times and hardships and 
handicaps which Pere Marquette overcame, the accomplishments of the 
intrepid explorer and missionary are brought out in clear and bold relief. 
Marquette pressed steadily forward in his explorations and missionary 
work when he had every reason to believe that he was always marching 
forward toward almost certain death. 

The Honorable Louis C. Rabaut, member of Congress from 
Michigan, paid tribute to the spiritual achievement of Father 
Marquette in these words : 

I like to think of him as a missionary going from cabin to cabin bring- 
ing the word of God and resolving, because of diminished strength, to have 
a great meeting in the open. I like to picture him upon that Holy Thurs- 
day with the sachems gathered about him, and next in the circle the braves, 
and finally the whole population of the place, even to the children. 

Others taking part in the exercises included Honorable Robert 
M. LaFollette and Honorable F. Ryan Duffy, United States Sena- 
tors from Wisconsin, Representatives Mary T. Norton and Ed- 
ward L. O'Neil of New Jersey, Representatives Raymond S. 
McKeough and Harry P. Beam of Illinois, Representative Albert 
J. Engel of Michigan, members of the Glee Club of Catholic Uni- 
versity, who sang under the direction of Professor Leo Behrendt, 
and representatives of Marquette University. William F. Mon- 


tavon presided over the exercises, which closed with a benediction 
by Very Reverend Monsignor Michael J. Ready, and the singing 
of the National Anthem by students of Georgetown University. 

Honorable F. Ryan Duffy, United States Senator from Wis- 
consin, the state Marquette crossed on his way to discover the 
upper Mississippi,^^ took an active part in the national observance 
of the tercentenary. In advance of the tercentenary day, he noti- 
fied the Clerk of the Senate of his intention to address the Senate 
on June 1, and shortly after the Senate convened at noon on that 
day, the Senator rose to laud the glories of a humble priest who 
entered the American wilderness one hundred years before the 
United States was conceived. Senator Duffy entered the Mar- 
quette Tercentenary Proclamation of President Roosevelt in the 
Congressional Record and thence delivered a praiseworthy ad- 
dress on Father Marquette.^^ In his opening remarks the Senator, 
citing Thwaites, cleared the confusion as to the date of Father 
Marquette's birth, authoritatively fixing June 1 as the natal day 
of the American pioneer and missionary.^* He traced the early 
life and training of Marquette in France, his ambition for the 
foreign missions and final appointment to the Ottawa mission. 
Thence he traced the course of his missionary journeys with 
Louis Jolliet, across Wisconsin to the discovery of the Upper 
Mississippi. The address, now part of the oflicial record of our 
nation, replete with accurate detail of the life and death of 
Father Marquette and his contributions to America, paid Amer- 
ican homage to the holy and humble priest who died in our 
wilderness in search of souls. This record is one to which suc- 
ceeding generations may turn and be edified. 

The radio broadcast of the dramatization of the life of Father 
Marquette by the Friars of the Atonement from their studio at 
Graymoor, Garrison, New York, over the Ave Maria Hour, on 
Sunday, May 30, 1937 (Memorial Day), was also national in 
scope. There were two live broadcasts dramatizing the life of 
Father Marquette on this day, the first through radio station 
WLW of Cincinnati, Ohio, over a network covering the Mid West, 
the second through WMCA of New York City over the inter-city 

12 At Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, June 17, 1673. 

13 Congressional Record, 75th Congress, First Session, Vol. 18, No. 103, 
page 6701. 

14 Senate Joint Resolution 139, 75th Congress, First Session, passed 
April 29, 1937, had erroneously provided for the tercentenary celebration 
on June 10, 1937. This error was corrected by House Joint Resolution 359 
passed May 13 (calendar day May 19), 1937. 


network reaching the Eastern and Middle Atlantic states from 
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. By electrical 
transcription the same broadcast was heard through 134 radio 
stations throughout the United States. Reverend Gilbert J. 
Garraghan, S. J., of Loyola University, Chicago, Illinois, author- 
ity on Marquettiana, collaborated in the preparation of the script 
for the dramatization and acted as narrator on the program. 
Senor Alfredo Antonini, New York maestro, improvised a musi- 
cal setting of Indian themes for the drama. Father Anselm Fran- 
cis, Director of the Ave Maria Hour, planned and directed the 
broadcast as a patriotic and religious tribute to the Jesuit mis- 
sionary and American explorer. 

Local Exercises in the United States 
Early in the Spring of 1937, Marquette University made plans 
for the observance of the tercentenary by organizing the Father 
Marquette Anniversary Committee of over two hundred honorary 
members, including the hierarchy of the Mid- West, the Governor 
of Wisconsin, the United States Senators and Representatives 
from Wisconsin, religious, clergy, and laity, including leaders 
from every walk of life, without regard to creed. Reverend 
Raphael N. Hamilton, S. J., of Marquette University, as chairman 
of the Executive Committee, was most active in support of the 
mid-western and national tercentenary exercises. On May 12, 
1937, Reverend Raphael C. McCarthy, S. J., President of Mar- 
quette University, presided at a convocation of students and 
faculty members in commemoration of the three hundredth an- 
niversary of the birth of the namesake of the University. At the 
Marquette Tercentenary convocation of the University, honorary 
degrees were bestowed on Reverend Bernard R. Hubbard, S. J., 
"the glacier priest," Dr. Herbert Eugene Bolton, University of 
California historian, and Dr. Louise Phelps Kellogg, secretary of 
the Wisconsin State Historical Society. Reverend William M. 
Magee, S. J., delivered the address of the occasion on "Marquette, 
Man of Ideals." 

Ludington, Michigan, was the scene of simple services on 
May 30, when Marquette University sponsored a pilgrimage of 
students and faculty across Lake Michigan from Milwaukee to 
the cross-marked knoll overlooking Pere Marquette Lake. Serv- 
ices at the site included remarks by Very Reverend Raphael C. 
McCarthy, S. J., Marquette University President. The historical 
importance of the pilgrimage was explained by Reverend Raphael 


N. Hamilton, S. J., head of the University history department. 
Father Hamilton announced that an alumni fund had been 
started to erect a bronze cross in place of the wooden cross that 
now marks the site of the Xaverian death of Father Marquette. 
Water from the Mississippi was then sprinkled at the base of the 
cross, and a cask of sand from the site was presented by the 
Marquette Memorial Association of Ludington to be placed in 
the Marquette University archives. Wreaths were then laid at 
the base of the cross on behalf of the Marquette student body 
and the city of Ludington. C. Laurence Lind, of the Ludington 
Chamber of Commerce, was master of ceremonies. Solemn Mass 
was celebrated for the pilgrims by Reverend Raphael C. McCar- 
thy, S. J., at St. Simon's Church, Ludington. 

Other tercentenary affairs on the Marquette University pro- 
gram included special services at the June Commencement, pub- 
lic addresses during the tercentenary year, radio sketches and 
a three-day civic pageant in which one thousand citizens of the 
city of Milwaukee participated on November 9, 10, and 11, 1937.^^ 
In a number of cities in Wisconsin, Illinois, and Michigan com- 
memorative exercises were held. 

December 4 is annual Marquette Day in Chicago in commem- 
oration of that day in 1674 when Marquette first set foot on 
Chicago soil. This year special ceremonies were arranged for 
June 1 by the Marquette Day Committee under the chairmanship 
of the Honorable Joseph Burke, Judge of the Cook County Cir- 
cuit Court. Governor Henry Horner issued a Proclamation desig- 
nating June 1 as Pere Jacques Marquette Day, as did Mayor 
Edward J. Kelly of Chicago. A number of Consuls responded to 
the invitation of Judge Burke, signifying their intention to be 
present at one or both of the services: Tschou-kwong R. Kah, 
Consul-General of China; Robert Ross, Acting British Consul- 
General; Michael F. Girten, Austrian Consul-General; Rene 
Weiller, Consul-General for France ; R. Baumann, Consul-General 
of Denmark; C. C. Caedren, Consul for Estonia; Richard E. 
Westbrook, Consul of the Republic of Liberia ; F. Fontana, Royal 
Italian Consul-General; Nathal William MacChesney, Consul- 
General of Siam; Antonio L. Schmidt, Consul of Mexico; Feliciano 
Montenegro, Consul of Venezuela; P. Dauzvardis, Consul of 
Lithuania; John Vennema, Consul-General of the Netherlands; 

15 "The Restless Flame," depicting the "restless flame" that in different 
ages lured Greeks, Vikings, Spaniards and, in turn, Marquette, into un- 
known seas and lands. 


G. Oldenburg, Consul for Sweden. Solemn Mass was cele- 
brated at Holy Name Cathedral, attended by the Mayor, the 
City Council, members of the Consular Corps, and distinguished 
guests. Monsignor Morrison, pastor, celebrated the Mass, and 
Reverend William M. Magee, President of John Carroll Univer- 
sity, preached the sermon. From the church the Committee and 
guests were escorted by the Black Horse troop to the northeast 
pylon of the Michigan Avenue bridge, where exercises were held 
in front of the bas-relief of Marquette. Honorable John P. Mc- 
Goorty spoke on behalf of the Governor, and Representative 
Michael L. Igoe on behalf of the Federal government. A pageant 
of canoes depicting the landing of Marquette, added color to the 
exercises, which closed with a salute fired by a detachment from 
the United States Army and Navy, and the playing of the na- 
tional anthems of France and the United States. 

This, the tercentenary year, was the third year of the per- 
formance of the Marquette pageant by the city of Ludington, 
Michigan. Over four hundred characters unfolded the "Drama 
of the Northwest," centered on the achievements of Father Mar- 
quette, on the four evenings of August 5 to 8 at Creole Field, 
Ludington. The pageant this year received the blessing of His 
Holiness Pope Pius XI who, in his message to Ludington, ex- 
pressed his pleasure for "the honor which is being done to the 
memory of the glorious pioneer of Christian civilization in the 
New World." President Roosevelt joined in praise of Father 
Marquette in the following letter addressed to the "Marquette 
Tercentenary Edition" of the Ludington Daily News: 

It is indeed fitting that the Ludington Daily News should commem- 
orate the three hundredth anniversary of the birth of Jacques Marquette, 
the intrepid explorer-missionary whose achievements make his place secure 
in history for all time to come. Valiant as well as versatile, he overcame 
hardships that would have discouraged a soul not fired with zeal for a 
spiritual ideal. When death finally ended his labors near the present site 
of your city, he could have had little realization of the enduring character 
of the foundations he had laid. And so with a clear historic perspective, we 
acclaim him, three hundred years after his birth, as one of those pioneers 
worthy of everlasting remembrance. 

After the pageant was enacted each evening, flares illumi- 
nated Marquette's death site on the knoll across Lake Pere 
Marquette in full view from the city. Boxes of sand from the 
site were prepared, blessed, and sent to Laon, France, as well as 
to ten American cities for Marquette exercises at memorials, 
statues, and markers. 


The tercentenary was celebrated at Auriesville, New York, 
at the Shrine of the North American Martyrs on Sunday, Sep- 
tember 12, where Most Reverend Bernard J. Mahoney, D. D., 
Bishop of Sioux Falls, South Dakota, pontificated at Solenm 
Mass in the Coliseum. The Reverend John J. McGrath, S. J., 
preached a sermon on the virtues of Father Marquette, pointing 
out that from boyhood Father Marquette must have had a mind 
to be assigned to the missions at Auriesville, where the first 
Jesuit Martyrs of North America attained the palm. 

Tuesday, June 1, was officially designated Marquette Day in 
the State of Wisconsin, by Proclamation of the Governor. At 
the Governor's suggestion, flags flew in every city of the State 
and many local exercises were held in honor of Marquette, of 
whom Governor LaFollette said, in his official proclamation : 

It is fitting on this tercentenary of Father Marquette's birth that we 
in W^isconsin should appropriately honor him and renew the great tradition 
that is part of our history, commemorate the work of this heroic messenger 
of Christianity to God's children in the wilderness, which was Wisconsin, 
and do honor to great qualities of high souled devotion to an ideal of duty, 
to personal sacrifice without stint for love of fellowman. 

The literature of the tercentenary emphasized the need and 
value of an adequate biography of Father Marquette of the 
scholarly type. From scattered gleanings and recently discovered 
letters" of Father Marquette, a quantity of interesting and val- 
uable literature was produced in the form of tercentenary trib- 
utes. The Messenger of the Sacred Heart^^ published a Marquette 
Tercentenary number in May, with a full color cover depicting 
Marquette and Jolliet with their map of the Mississippi, in dis- 
cussion with a group of Indians on the shore of the great river 
Mississippi. A colored frontispiece depicted the peaceful death 
of Marquette on the bare ground of the wilderness. This number 
also contains articles on Marquettiana by Reverend Laurence 
J. Kenny, S. J., of Detroit University, and Charles J. Mullally, 
S. J., the editor. The leading article in The Catholic World^^ 
for June was a tercentenary tribute to Father Jacques Mar- 
quette by Dr. Louise Phelps Kellogg. Jesuit Missions carried 
articles on Father Marquette and the tercentenary exercises, 
with pictures, one of the Trentanove statue in the Capitol at 

16 Mid- America, Vol. 18, New Series Vol. 7, No. 1. 

17 The Messenger of the Sacred Heart, Vol. LXXn, No. 5, May, 1937. 

18 The Catholic World, Vol. CXLV, No. 867, June, 1937. 

19 Jesuit Missions, Vol. XI, No. 5, May, 1937, Vol. XI, No. 6, June, 1937. 


The Catholic weekly America carried an article by Rev- 
erend Gilbert J. Garraghan, S. J., which concluded with these 
significant words : 

Venturesome explorer, ardent missionary, devout follower of Christ, 
Pere Marquette is on all counts a figure to inspire and uplift. May the 
memory of him with its grace, its charm, its call to the higher things of life 
continue to be what it is to-day, a cherished spiritual possession of our 

The America Press published a forty-eight page pamphlet, 
written as a brief life of Marquette by Father Garraghan,^^ when 
it was discovered that literature on the life of Father Mar- 
quette was lacking and that the few biographies that have 
been written are out of print. At the end of this concise biogra- 
phy may be found an excellent bibliography of Marquettiana. 

On the tercentenary day, Marquette editorials appeared in 
many leading newspapers, notably the New York Times, the 
New York American, the Washington Herald, the New York 
Herald Tribune, and New York Evening Sim. The editorial in 
the New York Times opened with these significant sentences: 

The Church having canonized Pere Jogues and other missionary 
martyrs of the Saint Lawrence and the Mohawk Valleys, should be adding 
to the list the name of Pere Marquette, of what we now call the Middle 
West. He did not, as Jogues, come to a death by violence; but he faced like 
perils and looked death in the face more than once. Moreover he endured 
physical hardships and rigors in his missionary journeyings which only 
a man of stout purpose and pure heart could have borne. As it was he died 
when only 38 years old. . . . He deserves a day in our calendar of re- 

An editorial on Father Marquette in the Boston Pilot, June 
26, 1937, closed in these words of tribute : 

On the tercentenary of his birth, the world honors the fearless ad- 
venturer, the discoverer. But the Catholic Church thinks of him first as a 
devoted great-hearted priest — a shining image of St. Paul. 

Thus, the celebration was widely recognized as an historic 
event of civic and religious importance in the history of France 
and of the United States, with great significance to the world at 
large. The factors which contributed to this recognition have been 
reviewed, but the ultimate factor in the achievement of the ter- 
centenary observance, the dominant note of the whole occasion. 

20 America, Vol. LVH, No. 9, June 5, 1937. 

21 Marquette, Ardent Missioner, Daring Explorer, America Press, 53 
Park Place, New York City. 


and the touchstone of success, was the personal and spiritual 
charm of Father Marquette, whereby he lives in the hearts of 
his countrymen on both sides of the Atlantic, as warmly and 
effectively today as during his short life span of thirty-eight 
years, lived devotedly three hundred years ago. 

Arthur J. O'Dea 

Marquette's Titles to Fame 

The nationwide honors paid to the memory of Father Jacques 
Marquette on the occasion of the tercentenary of his birth, June 
1, 1937, make it opportune to discuss the question as to what 
after all are his titles to fame. Beyond all controversy his figure 
is fixed in the imagination, not to say the affections, of the 
American public. Interest in him is constantly on the rise. "His 
fame seems to wax as the decades succeed one another," a well- 
known authority in Mississippi Valley history has written of 
him. Obviously, there is no reason to suppose that this fame has 
no other basis on which to rest except myth, legend, mistaken 
views in history; it must rest on solid ground. Let us see what 
the nature of this ground really is. Marquette's titles to fame 
may be regarded as falling into two groups, those which he shares 
with Jolliet and those which are personal to himself. 

Jolliet-Marquette Titles 
(a) The Canadian, Louis Jolliet, and the Frenchman, Father 
Jacques Marquette, were the first white men to explore the Mis- 
sissippi River. This they did in their historic expedition of 1673, 
which brought them along almost the entire length of the great 
waterway, from the Wisconsin to the Arkansas. The epoch- 
making character of the expedition is admitted on all hands. 
What invests it with unique significance is the circumstance that 
it gave the world its first particularized knowledge of America's 
most splendid valley, initiating at the same time a movement 
that led to the opening up and settlement of the same. The Span- 
iards, it is true, had beaten the Frenchmen to it by a wide margin 
of years in looking upon Mississippi waters ; but their finding of 
them was sterile of result. "Except as a basis for subsequent ter- 
ritorial claims its [the Mississippi's] discovery by the Spaniards 
might as well never have occurred," wrote Frederick Austin Ogg, 
American historian of note. "The whole work of discovery had to 
be wrought anew nearly a century and a half later and by the 
efforts of a different people." A well-known Marquette authority. 
Dr. Louise Phelps Kellogg, in her presidential address at the 
Lexington, Kentucky, meeting of the Mississippi Valley Histori- 
cal Association, 1930, was emphatic in her denial of the historical 
significance of the Spanish discovery of the Mississippi. More- 



over, using the same words that occur in the inscription on the 
Marquette statue in the Capitol, Washington, she spoke of JoUiet 
and Marquette as having "discovered the Mississippi at Prairie 
du Chien, Wisconsin." Scholars do not use words lightly; there 
must be warrant for the use of the term "discovered" in this 
connection. Plainly, it is a question whether there is any im- 
propriety, verbal, logical, historical or of any other sort in 
applying the term "discoverer" to one who rediscovers, with en- 
suing practical results, land or water, a first discovery of which 
proved abortive as far as practical results were concerned and 
became, to all intents and purposes, lost to memory. The world 
has not thought so in the case of Columbus. It calls him the dis- 
coverer of America, though his finding of it was not an actual 
discovery, but a rediscovery, the Norsemen having preceded him 
by centuries in landing on American shores. But their discovery 
led to no permanent result and by common accord the name of 
discoverer of America has gone to Columbus. The parallelism in 
the case of JoUiet and Marquette is complete. Certainly it is 
irrational to allege that calling them discoverers of the Missis- 
sippi is a virtual denial of the Spanish discovery as it would be 
equally irrational to allege that calling Columbus discoverer of 
America carries with it a denial of the Norse discovery. 

The present writer is accustomed to qualify the Mississippi as 
"the Upper" when designating JoUiet and Marquette as discov- 
erers of that river. But scholars who prefer to omit the qualifi- 
cation know what they are doing and have an answer at hand 
for any one who calls their usage into question. 

Let it be noted that JoUiet and Marquette have their place in 
history as having been the effective, the virtual, not the actual, 
the technical discoverers of the Mississippi. 

(b) JoUiet and Marquette were the aotual discoverers of a 
whole series of western rivers, — the Missouri, the Ohio, the Illi- 
nois, the Chicago, prohahly the Wisconsin. In the finding of these 
they were not preceded by other explorers as was the case in the 
Mississippi. The earliest appearance of these waterways in car- 
tography is on the JoUiet and Marquette maps ; the earliest par- 
ticulars we possess about them are to be found in the accounts 
left by the same explorers. They may have been preceded in ac- 
quaintance with the Wisconsin by Radisson; but the case that 
can be made out for him is a doubtful one at the best. The Mis- 
souri, the Illinois, the Chicago offer no difllculty whatever, nor 
for that matter does the Ohio. Scholarly opinion never was fav- 


orable to La Salle's claim to be the discoverer of the Ohio, and 
recent research has disposed of it altogether. 

Jolliet and Marquette were therefore ''discoverers" over and 
over again in the most exacting sense of the term. To suppose 
that, when they are qualified as such, reference is necessarily 
made to the Mississippi is illusory. 

(c) Jolliet and Marquette put the trans-Mississippi West on 
the map. This is true even in a literal sense. The earliest appear- 
ance of the Missouri River in cartography is on the maps made 
by the two explorers. Moreover, their maps indicate by name 
many of the trans-Mississippi Indian tribes, as the Osage, the 
Kansas, the Omaha, the Missouri. Mention of these names, now 
part and parcel of American history, on the maps in question is 
the earliest on record. The world, therefore, made its first ac- 
quaintance with the American Great West through the car- 
tographical and other records of Jolliet and Marquette. This dis- 
tinction of theirs, hardly ever adverted to in the history books, 
is of itself enough to entitle them to a major place in the history 
of American exploration. 

(d) The history of America's second largest city, Chicago, 
begins with Jolliet and Marquette. They discovered its site, Sep- 
tember, 1673, discovering at the same time the famous Chicago 
portage or "carrying place," the physical factor which more than 
anything else in the material order made the growth of a great 
city at the mouth of the Chicago River inevitable. This narrow 
ribbon of land, its location now well within the city limits, linked 
up the two greatest watersheds of North America, those of the 
St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and made communication be- 
tween the two for travel and trade a possibility. The history of 
Chicago in its beginnings and for long after is written around 
the Portage. To have been the first of white men to know and 
speak of this historic physical feature in written record is surely 
a title of the first order to the praise of posterity. Justly does 
Chicago cherish the memory of these two seventeenth-century 
explorers whose fascinating figures greet us on the very opening 
page of the city's history. A tablet set up by the Chicago His- 
torical Society marks the location of the Chicago Portage, "the 
earliest factor in determining Chicago's commercial supremacy 
. . . discovered by Joliet and Marquette in 1673," as the inscrip- 
tion reads. Another tablet, this one set up by the Colonial Dames 
of America on a balustrade of the Michigan Avenue Bridge, is 


"in honor of Louis Joliet and Pere Marquette, the first white men 
to pass through the Chicago River." 

Marquette Titles 

(a) The narrative of the Mississippi expedition of 1673. This 
is the only journal or detailed account of the famous expedition 
that has survived, the journal kept by Jolliet being no longer 
extant. Our main and practically only source of information on 
the subject has been the Marquette narrative and such no doubt 
will continue to be the case. That this is so has tended to ob- 
scure somewhat the part played in the expedition by Jolliet, as 
it has also tended to set Marquette's part in particular relief. 
But the document itself does not fail in the least to do justice to 
Jolliet as the leader of the expedition. The Marquette narrative 
is on all counts a most significant document and has long since 
taken high rank among the classics of early American travel. 

According to Dr. Louise P. Kellogg (Dictionary of American 
Biography, x (1929), art. "Marquette"), that missionary's best 
monument is "the accounts he left of his Mississippi trip and of 
his last voyage on his way to his death in the wilderness."* 

(b) Marquette and his two voyageur attendants were the 
first known-hy-name residents on Chicago soil. He passed through 
the locality, his first visit, in September, 1673, but returned to it 
the follov/ing year. For four months he camped on the banks of 
the Chicago River at a spot now marked by the imposing Mar- 
quette Memorial erected by the municipality of Chicago at the 
north end of the South Damen Avenue bridge. Further, by an 
ordinance of the Chicago City Council, December 4 has been 
designated for annual commemoration as "Marquette Day," that 
being the date in 1674 on which he began his four months of 
residence on the city-site. While thus residing within the limits 
of the future metropolis, he penned the greater part of a journal, 
which is the earliest known document to originate in Chicago- 
land. Few documents could be more precious and one envies Mon- 
treal the possession of it. "Thus it came about," has written Dr. 
Quaife, "that our first account of life at Chicago pictures the 

* For the evidence in support of the authenticity of the Mississippi 
narrative as Marquette's own, see G. J. Garraghan, S. J., Ph. D., Thought 
(New York), IV (June, 1929), 32-71; for a divergent view, see F. B. Steck, 
O. F. M., Ph. D., The Jolliet-Marquette Expedition of 1673 (Washington, 
D. C, 1928). It may be well to note here that Father Marquette's place in 
history is not conditioned by any theory one may hold as to the authorship 
of the narrative in question. 


doings of a lonely priest passing the dreary winter in a rude 
hut, animated by a fiery zeal for the salvation of the savages he 
was seeking the while his physical frame was shaken with the 
pangs of a mortal disease. If plain living and high thinking be 
the ideal life, no locality ever launched its recorded career more 
auspiciously than did Chicago in the winter of 1674-1675." 

(c) Marquette was Chicago's first clergyman. He was the 
first to say Mass there, which he did daily during the period 
December, 1674-March, 1675. Further, he there repeatedly ad- 
ministered the sacraments of penance and the Eucharist to his 
lay attendants. There, too, he "made a retreat," the earliest in- 
stance of this widespread Catholic practice on record in the his- 
tory of the West. In fine, the story of the Catholic church in 
Chicago begins with his name. 

(d) Marquette inaugurated the missionary movement in the 
upper Mississippi Valley. His Mission of the Immaculate Con- 
ception, opened by him in April, 1673, among the Kaskaskia In- 
dians on the Illinois River, was the first of a remarkable series of 
missionary posts established by Catholic priests in the Missis- 
sippi Valley on behalf of the aborigines. In Marquette, ever since 
he lived, has been symbolized the missionary idea, the Church's 
divinely inspired effort to carry the light of the Gospel to those 
sitting in darkness and the shadow of death. "Pere Marquette 
was one of those dauntless pioneers whose faith sustained them 
in the face of all obstacles. His explorations added to the sum of 
human knowledge. Whether sailing unchartered seas or blazing 
a way through unbroken wilderness to carry the Gospel to the 
Indians, all was done under the inspiration of the motto of the 
Society of Jesus: 'Ad majorem Dei gloriam' " (Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt) . That the missionary spirit finds a recognized symbol 
in Father Marquette is known to everybody. When a Franciscan 
scholar wrote (1934) a biography of a worthy missionary- 
explorer of his order, he gave his book the title, "The Franciscan 
Pere Marquette." 

(e) Marquette's engaging personality. Something in the man 
over and above his merits as a missionary and explorer makes 
appeal to the public. "Over him through centuries," says Dr. 
Quaife, "hovers that indefinable quality which we call 'charm'; 
without it, one may win fame indeed, but not the love of man- 
kind." It is a fact that people of all classes and creeds are drawn 
by some keenly felt attraction to the figure of Marquette ; some- 
thing about him has power to inspire peculiar reverence and 


affection. At Ludington, Michigan, is annually staged a spectacu- 
lar pageant, written and recited by the Right Reverend Robert 
Wilson Spencer, a bishop of the Protestant Episcopal church. The 
pageant is conceived by its promoters, so an official advertise- 
ment declares, as a tribute "to the memory of a great missionary, 
a brave explorer and a man." This last word, so James O'Donnell 
Bennett has commented, strikes the right note. As a man, Mar- 
quette is in truth a figure of unusual appeal. Such is our reaction 
to him and such also was the reaction to him of those who had 
the privilege of knowing him in life. The impression we get of 
him from contemporary records is that of a man of engaging 
human characteristics, who loved much and was loved much in 

(f) Marquette's refutation for holiness of life. Those who 
lived and dealt with him are one in testifying to his more than 
ordinary virtues. The voyageurs who cared for him in his last 
illness felt that they had to do with a person the most striking 
characteristic of whom was holiness of life. Within two years of 
his death a fellow-worker in the missionary-field was seeking to 
become an "imitator," as he wrote, "of the virtues of that great 
man." The alleged miraculous favors obtained through his inter- 
cession, the popularity of his grave at St. Ignace as a place of 
prayer and pilgrimage for the devout, the one-time custom among 
sailors on the Great Lakes of invoking his aid, attest abundantly 
the reputation for holiness which he left behind. The New York 
Times in an editorial of June 1, 1937, expressed the earnest hope 
that the Catholic Church may some day canonize Father Mar- 

Marquette's fame as a phenomenon of the contemporary 
American scene is an impressive thing. A catalogue of memorials 
in his honor compiled in 1930 reveals a long and imposing series 
of commemorative tokens of every sort. The series ranges in 
variety from stained-glass windows in Memorial Hall, Harvard 
University, to Wisconsin's official statue of the missionary in the 
Capitol at Washington, and from a United States postage-stamp 
in his honor (1898) to pageants depicting his significant career. 
The City Hall, Detroit, has its Marquette statue, the state capitol, 
Springfield, Illinois, its Marquette mural. Rivers, towns, coun- 
ties, schools, skyscrapers, business concerns, even a railroad, 
bear his name. Millions of Americans cherish his memory and 
hold his name in reverence. The case for his reputation has been 


succinctly put by Dr. Kellogg: "Of all the Jesuit missionaries in 
the West, Marquette is the most renowned, partly because of 
his early death, partly because of his sweet and saintly nature, 
partly because he and Jolliet were the first to follow the course 
of the Mississippi River, a journey made known to the world by 
the letters and maps of the explorers." 

The Holy Father, Pius XI, President Roosevelt, Congress, 
governors of states, mayors of cities, and the National Catholic 
Welfare Council have recently commended Father Marquette as 
worthy of the highest honors that the American public can pay 
him. Obviously, that they have done so is an imposing recognition 
of the legitimacy of the place in the hall of fame which the ver- 
dict of public opinion has long since awarded to him. 

Gilbert J. Garraghan 

William Hewlett, Pioneer Missionary 
and Historian 

I. The Colorado Missions 
On January 17, 1936, death removed a venerable figure from 
the ranks of the American priesthood. The passing of Father 
William J. Howlett, chaplain of the Loretto Mother House, 
Nerinx, Kentucky, rent the last of the living ties binding the 
priesthood of the American West to the old Saint Thomas Sem- 
inary, near Bardstown, Kentucky.^ The last surviving priest- 
alumnus of this, the first ecclesiastical seminary established west 
of the Appalachian Mountains, it was Father Howlett's privilege 
in youth to sit at the feet of teachers who had imbibed the prin- 
ciples of ecclesiastical science and ascetical practice from no 
less learned and apostolic men than Flaget, first bishop of the 
frontier Kentucky diocese, and David, master of the spiritual 
life and pioneer promoter of ecclesiastical education in the 
western country. ^ In the vigor of manhood he took up the bur- 
dens of the ministry in the Rocky Mountain country under the 
direction of Bishop Machebeuf, whose contributions to religion 
on the frontier he was himself later to bring to the notice of the 

1 St. Thomas Seminary was established by Bishop Flaget in 1811. On 
December 5 of the same year it was installed in a building on the Howard 
farm, at Poplar Neck, near Bardstown. A concise account of its beginnings 
will be found in a letter of its director. Father, afterwards Bishop, David, 
to the Sulpician Superior in Paris, Father Duclaux, June 27, 1814, quoted 
in part by Lloyd P. McDonald, S. S., The Seminary Movement in the United 
States; Projects, Foundations and Early Development (1784-1833), Wash- 
ington, 1927, 39-40. The most complete treatment of its history is Father 
Howlett's Historical Tribute to St. Thomas' Seminary at Poplar Neck near 
Bardstown, Kentucky, St. Louis, 1906. 

Among the manuscripts left by Father Howlett two were found that 
have proved invaluable in the preparation of this study, namely, "Recollec- 
tions of my life, and Reflections on times and events during it," and "His- 
tory of the Diocese of Denver." The first is now deposited in the Archives of 
the Loretto Mother House, Nerinx, Kentucky, and the second in the Archives 
of the Diocese of Denver. In the present article the first will be cited as 
Recollections, and the second as History. 

2 The most extensive history of the Church in Kentucky is B. J. Webb, 
The Centenary of Catholicity in Kentucky, Louisville, 1884, a work which, 
despite its shortcomings, remains an invaluable source of early Kentucky 
Catholic history. The story of pioneer beginnings has recently been set forth 
in scholarly detail in Sister Mary Ramona Mattingly, The Catholic Church 
on the Kentucky Frontier (1785-1812), Washington, 1936. The manifold 
activities of Bishop David are related in Sister Columba Fox, The Life of 
Bight Reverend John Baptist Mary David, 1761-1841, New York, 1925. 



reading public.^ If an apology be needed for treating, in a review 
of this nature, of the life and activities of one so recently de- 
ceased, it may be found in this unique combination of circum- 
stances of time and place which enabled Father Howlett to tie 
up in his lifetime the strands of tradition linking the Church 
of the early nineteenth-century frontier of the trans-Allegheny 
country with the establishment and development of Catholic life 
in the Rocky Mountain mining frontier of the mid-century. 

Born in Monroe County, New York, March 6, 1847, William 
Howlett lived as a child by the banks of the Erie Canal, then an 
important highway, as it had already been for nearly a quarter 
of a century, to the abundant and cheap lands of the West. 
Among his boyhood memories was one of watching the funeral 
train of Henry Clay going past his home along the recently com- 
pleted railroad now known as the New York Central. At the age 
of six he moved with his parents to Michigan, traveling from 
Monroe County to Buffalo by canal boat, from Buffalo to Detroit 
by lake steamer, and thence by rail to Cass County, in southern 

This portion of Michigan had not yet passed fully out of the 
pioneer stage, and served William Howlett well as an introduc- 
tion to life on the Colorado frontier. The nearby town of Bertrand 
had only recently ceased to be the site of the Indian mission 
founded in 1830 by the celebrated Kentucky missionary, Father 
Stephen Theodore Badin. A few Catholic Potowatomie still 
lingered in the vicinity of Silver Creek. A few miles distant the 
University of Notre Dame had been established about a decade 
before by the Congregation of the Holy Cross.* It was a member 
of this Congregation, Father Cointet, who was the first priest to 
visit the Howletts in their new home during the winter of 1853. 
It was while living in Michigan that William made the acquaint- 
ance of such zealous pioneer priests of the Old Northwest as 

3 William J. Howlett, lAfe of the Right Reverend Joseph P. Macheheuf, 
D. D., Pueblo, Colorado, 1908. 

4 A scholarly account of the work of Father Badin and of Catholic 
beginnings in this region is contained in William McNamara, C. S. C, The 
Catholic Church on the Northern Indiana Frontier (llBl-lSlflf) , Washington, 
1931. See also M. J. Walsh, C. S. C, "Beginnings of Notre Dame," Historical 
Records and Studies, XI (December, 1917), 15-30; Ihid,, "Notre Dame, 
Antecedents and Development," Illinois Catholic Historical Review, IV 
(January, 1922), 270-277; and Thomas McAvoy, C. S. C, "Father Badin 
Comes to Notre Dame," Indiana Magazine of History, May, 1933. An 
excellent study of Father Badin is that by Father Howlett, "The Very 
Reverend Stephen Theodore Badin," Historical Records and Studies, IX 

(June, 1916), 101-146. 


Father Cointet, C. S. C, and Father John De Neve.^ It was dur- 
ing these years too, in all probability, that there began his in- 
terest in Notre Dame and his admiration for the Fathers of the 
Holy Cross. 

Little more than a decade, however, spanned the residence of 
the Howletts in Michigan. Gold had in the meanwhile been dis- 
covered at the base of the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains. 
One of the older boys of the family had gone to Colorado in 1860, 
and two others had followed two years later. When one of these 
sons returned to Michigan for a visit, the father decided to move 
on to Colorado and effect the reunion of his family. Three mar- 
ried sons and their families decided to migrate together with 
their parents. Disposing of their surplus household goods, they 
began the long trek westward. Towards the close of his life 
Father Howlett penned a brief account of this journey. 

We had six wagons all covered with canvas in the style of the old 
emigrant wagons, and in them all necessary articles for traveling. The 
wagons served also as sleeping quarters for the women while the men and 
boys slept under them with blankets, quilts and buffalo robes, or sometimes 
in barns and sheds when available, but not a house did we sleep in for 
eight weeks. A couple of sheet-iron stoves were used for baking such bread 
as could be made by travelers, and the rest of the cooking was done by 

Our route lay through Northern Indiana, where a belated coldsnap 
caught us near Valparaiso. Through Illinois we passed through Joliet, 
La Salle, Ottawa, Galesburg and on to the Mississippi river at Burlington. 
Through Illinois the roads were hub deep with mud owing to the spring 
rains and the thawing of the ground after the winter's frost. The rivers 
were high, and at Burling^ton we had to go five miles below the town to find 
a landing where the ferryboat could find a place to reach us to take us 
across the river. In Iowa both the weather and the roads were better, and 
after crossing the Iowa river at Farmington we foimd ourselves entering 
upon wide stretches of virgin prairie crossed by streams fringed with bands 
of timber of little density or extension on either side. Prairie chickens were 
abundant but no large game. We crossed the counties bordering on Missouri, 
and the principal towns we met with were the legal capitals of each covmty. 
There was much of a sameness about the scenery and the land seemed to 
be fertile and offered a fine opportunity for settlers. Yet we met with very 
few inhabitants and few travelers. . . . We might have stopped and settled 
on sections of that fine soil, but the land now was no temptation to my 
father; his destination was farther on . . . his thoughts were with his 
children. . . . 

We reached the Missouri river about the middle of May and crossed 

5 Father De Neve subsequently served as rector (1860-1891) of the 
American College, Louvain. See J. Van der Heyden, The Louvain American 
College, 1857-1907, Louvain, 1909. 


over it on a ferry to Nebraska City in Nebraska. This and Omaha, Leaven- 
worth, St. Joseph and Kansas City were the principal points where emi- 
grants fitted themselves out for this long journey to western points, even 
to the Pacific. We found horses, mules and oxen there in hundreds, and 
tents and wagons were in every vacant lot and far out into the country. A 
few Indians of the Pawnee tribe were among the crowds, but that tribe was 
practically civilized and had its reservation not far away.e 

The Hewlett party remained at Nebraska City about a week 
in order to rest the horses and to purchase what was necessary 
for the remainder of the trip. 

When we left Nebraska City our next objective point was Fort Kearney, 
about 200 miles further west on the Platte river. The country was wild and 
uninhabited almost all the way; the only settlement of consequence con- 
sisted of just a few houses which they said was Lincoln, the Capital of the 
Territory. We passed many teams of oxen and mules in groups, some bound 
for Pike's Peak like ourselves, others for California and Oregon. There were 
quite a few streams of water and we had no diflBculty in finding good places 
for camping at night where wood, water and grass were plentiful. A couple 
of years previously the Indians had made raids on travelers along these 
roads, and graves were visible of the victims along the Little and Big Blue 
rivers, and at several other places. No Indians were supposed to be in those 
parts then, so everyone took his own time and traveled as he pleased. . . J 

Fort Kearney was at this time the western outpost of safe 
travel, beyond which no emigrant party was allowed to proceed 
unless it numbered at least forty men of fighting age.* The 
Howlett party remained here a few days, awaiting the arrival of 
other parties to make up this required minimum. While waiting, 
they saw something of life on the plains in the 'sixties. 

The big stagecoaches came in from both directions almost daily, but 
to and from this point the western coaches were accompanied by a detach- 
ment of cavalry for the protection of the mails, and incidentally of the 
passengers. The Indians were shy of the soldiers and I did not hear of any 
attacks being made on the coaches under guard. I do not think there were 
any permanent settlers at Fort Kearney, but there were traders who were 
selling spirits and limited supplies that might be needed by those passing. 
I saw there the first exhibition of public gambling then so common in the 

After a few days a California-bound party came along, and 
the Howletts pushed on with it. Their route now lay up the Platte 

6 Recollections, 24-25. 

7 Ibid., 25-26. 

8 Fort Kearney, 310 miles from Fort Leavenworth, was the first fort 
built in pursuance of the Act of Congress of 1846, allowing the War De- 
partment to establish military posts along the route to Oregon. 

9 Recollections, 26. 


by the south bank. Near the site of the present Julesburg, Colo- 
rado, they separated from the California party, and took the 
bank to the South Platte. At Fort Morgan they left the South 
Platte to follow what was known as the "Cutoff" to Denver. 
Sometime about June 12 they camped for the last time on the 
journey, at what is now known as Capital Hill, Denver." 

By the time of the arrival of the Howletts in Colorado in the 
summer of 1865, the two settlements of Aurora and Denver, fac- 
ing each other across Cherry Creek, had been consolidated under 
the name of the latter town. Denver was already on its way to 
becoming the metropolis of the Rocky Mountain country. Vir- 
tually all classes were represented in its population, and the in- 
stitutions of urban life were already well established. 

The church building in Denver in 1865 was 

a brick structure 30x46 in size, and the Very Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf 
and the Rev. John B. Raverdy lived in a few rooms of wooden construction 
behind it. They attended Denver and many of the mining camps in the 
mountains, besides seeking out and saying mass for a number of settlers 
who were attempting to farm along the creeks in the valleys or raise live 
stock for the markets. The first Sunday I attended mass Father Machebeuf 
was the celebrant, and while he was preaching I was thinking that he was 
the oldest man I had ever seen. Yet he was only fifty-three, but he was so 
weather-beaten from exposure in missionary work that he looked as if he 
might be eighty. I lost that impression when I came to know him better. 
His youthful spirit changed all that and in appearance he did not seem to 
me to be a day older when he died twenty-four years later." 

The Howletts had arrived in Denver in June, and the father, 
whose object in moving to Colorado had been to be near the rest 
of his family, died the following September. The family then 
went to live on a farm owned by Father Machebeuf and located 
some eight miles west of Denver. Father Machebeuf had a private 
chapel in the farmhouse and would sometimes spend a day or 
two there. It was there, apparently, that William first spoke to 
the priest about going to a seminary. In the latter part of 1866 
Father Machebeuf asked him to take charge of the boys' school 
which he had opened in Denver. While teaching, William began 
the study of Latin with Father John Faure, who was stationed 
at the Denver church. 

Meanwhile William had definitely decided that he wanted to 
be a priest. Father Francis Chambige, a friend of Father Mache- 
beuf from his home province in France, was then president of 

10 Ibid., 26-29. 

11 Ibid., 30. 


Saint Thomas Seminary, and it was there that Father Machebeuf 
decided to send him. On December 12, 1867, he left Denver for 
Hays City, Kansas, the western terminus of the Kansas and 
Pacific Railroad, which was then in course of construction. On 
January 8, 1868, he arrived at St. Thomas Seminary, Kentucky.^^ 
This was William Howlett's introduction to the Kentucky 
which he came to know and love so well, and to the pioneer 
western seminary, the history and traditions of which he was 
later to snatch from a fast encircling oblivion. 

St. Thomas was not impressive in its looks, but it did impressive work. 
. . . Hiunble it was, but when we think of the early missionaries it prepared 
for the work of planting the faith as it was so deeply planted in Kentucky, 
we think of universities, of scholars and saints. Flaget, David, Badin, 
Nerinckx and the pioneers brought their faith with them, but the new 
generation had to be taught if the old faith were to be preserved, and St. 
Thomas became the spring from which the life-giving and life preserving 
waters flowed which made the Tree of the Cross grow in the forests of 
Kentucky and spread its branches through East and West. Need I name 
Abell, Durbin, Aud, Elliott, Coomes, Elder, Byrne and other devoted mis- 
sionaries who went out from St. Thomas in its early years to spend their 
lives on horseback seeking out and bringing faith and grace to many who 
otherwise never would have known either ? And the hundreds of later years, 
some of whom became leaders in Israel, such as Bishop Reynolds of Charles- 
ton, Richter of Grand Rapids, Byrne of Nashville, Alerding of Fort Wayne, 
Lenihan of Cheyenne, Tierney of Hartford, Ryan of Alton, and Lavaille and 
O'Donaghue of Louisville ? Of the priests they were scattered from Massa- 
chusetts to the western borders of our civilization, and the rank and file of 
the clergy of Kentucky ever came from its doors. is 

A year and a half was spent at this historic institution when 
in October, 1869, the possessions of the students and the movable 
property of the seminary were loaded into wagons, and, with the 
students traveling afoot, the seminary was transferred to the 
buildings formerly occupied by Saint Joseph's College, adjoining 
the old Cathedral, at Bardstown.^* This was the final exodus of 

12 Ibid., 35. 

13 Ibid., 38. 

14 Founded in 1819 under the direction of Bishop Flaget, St. Joseph's 
College was conducted by the diocesan clergy until 1848. Transferred in that 
year to the administration of the Jesuits, the institution flourished until 
1861, when circumstances developing out of the Civil War forced the 
suspension of classes. Unable subsequently to come to an agreement with 
the bishop on matters deemed vital to the continuance of the college, the 
Jesuits withdrew in 1868, and the administration of the institution reverted 
to the diocese. It was at this juncture that the seminary was transferred 
from St. Thomas to St. Joseph's. See W. J. Howlett, "The Early Days of St. 
Joseph's College at Bardstown, Kentucky," Illinois Catholic Historical Re- 
view, IV (April, 1922), 372-380. 


ecclesiastical education from Saint Thomas; a chapter in the 
history of Catholic education in the West was closed on that 
day. At the present time only the foundation walls of the sem- 
inary building remain. Happily the old log residence of Bishop 
Flaget and the old chapel, one-time "cathedral" of the same pre- 
late, have been preserved. The chapel now serves as St. Thomas 
parish church. In contrasting St. Thomas' with St. Joseph's Col- 
lege, Father Howlett writes : 

There were some little hardships at St. Thomas; we had to cut our 
firewood to keep the place warm, we went to the well for water to wash our 
faces from a pan on a log, stump or any convenient place winter and sum- 
mer, but we kept warm and reasonably clean. W^e had cornbread and bacon 
as the great reliables, but we had white bread at least once a day, and on 
feast days we feasted. The faculty fared about as we did, and we felt that 
we were at home as brothers under a good father. 

After completing his preparatory studies at Bardstown, Mr. 
Howlett was sent to France, where he studied philosophy and 
theology at the Sulpician seminaries at Issy-sur-Seine and at 
Paris. On June 10, 1876, he was ordained to the priesthood by 
Cardinal Guilbert. A further year of study was then pursued at 
the University of Wiirzburg, Germany, where Father Howlett 
attended the classes of the renowned Doctors Hettinger and 
Hergenroether, the latter of whom later became librarian of the 
Vatican, a leader in the new school of Catholic historical studies, 
and cardinal. 

On April 14, 1877, Father Howlett arrived back in Denver 
to take up the active work of the ministry. For the next thirty- 
six years the mountains and plains of Colorado were the scenes 
of his labors. 

If the pages that follow seem perhaps too highly factual, it 
must be recalled that it is here the intention to offer a view of 
the condition of the Church and her ministry in Colorado sixty 
years ago. This purpose can hardly be accomplished more effec- 
tively or more surely than by setting forth the life of a mission- 
ary priest in these regions during those decades. 

The ministry of the Church in Colorado, following the lines 
of the civil development of the Territory and State, naturally 
falls into three distinct areas of activity — the city of Denver, 
the mining regions of the mountains, and the agricultural areas 
of the plains. Father Howlett labored in all three, but since the 
conditions of the urban ministry are much the same everywhere, 

15 Recollections, 39. 


whereas the other two regions present a number of new environ- 
mental factors, it has been felt best to devote the larger portion 
of the article to these areas. In this manner there will be gained 
a clearer idea of the work of the Church in the mining and agri- 
cultural frontiers of the American West of the nineteenth cen- 

Father Howlett's first missionary assignment was to visit the 
Catholics along the railroad east of Denver, and the Catholic 
families on the ranches near the stations. 

The section foremen were generally good and reliable men, and most 
of them were Catholics and practiced their religion, so I always had a 
stopping place where I would be welcome. Bishop Machebeuf laid out my 
itinerary; it was to visit certain stations, and say mass and administer the 
sacraments to all desiring them and give them an encouraging and helpful 
sermon. . . . The Bishop told me that [the preaching] was easy; all I had 
to do was to tell them to be good and say their prayers and teach the 
children, and little practical things like these, and, as I was not twice in 
the same place, the same sermon would [do] for [the] whole trip. Such, 
he said, was his practice when he started out on the missions in Ohio many 
years before, and it worked out all 

Unfortunately Father Howlett does not mention many of the 
stations visited on this trip. He does, however, say that he visited 
Hugo and "a station beyond Hugo where the Clifford's lived." 
The present-day station of Clifford on the line of the Union 
Pacific between Kansas City and Denver is some 113 miles east 
of Denver. On subsequent trips he went as far as Kit Carson 
near the Kansas boundary. 

After his return from this trip Father Howlett was assigned 
temporarily to the parish of Georgetown. This was his first ex- 
perience of missionary life in the mining regions of the state, 
and, while the assignment was but temporary, it served to ac- 
quaint him with the technique and demands of the ministry in 
these regions. 

The mining camps along the South Clear Creek were in Father Mache- 
beuf's early mission trips. Grass Valley, Illinois Bar, Idaho Springs, Spanish 
Bar, Trail Rim, Fall River, Mill Creek, Downieville, Lawson's Empire, Al- 
varado and Georgetown were some of the stations. Most of them have long 
since disappeared from [the] geography of the locality, but Georgetown 
remains, though fallen greatly from its former prosperity. When a pastor 
was sent to Central City this district was also visited by him. 

The discovery of rich silver mines, and the introduction of profitable 
methods for the extraction and refining of the precious metal, in the '60's, 

16 Ibid., 59. 


made Georgetown a place of importance. Another town, Silver Plume, two 
and a half miles further up the creek, became of almost equal importance 
in the early '70's by reason of its richer mines, but Georgetown was the 
County Seat, and had the advantage of a more favorable site for residences, 
business houses, and mills for the reduction of the ores. It became, then, 
the business center and the center of population.i^ 

The Rev. John B. Raverdy, pastor of Central City, visited Georgetown 
from 1866 until 1871, [and] said mass mostly in Brownell's hall. He secured 
ground for a church, but in those wild times when mine jumping and lot 
jumping was the order of the day, or rather of the night, he would have 
lost it, if good Irishmen of the congregation had not acted as armed guards 
until title could be secured beyond all dispute. is 

Following this temporary sojourn in the mining country, 
Father Howlett returned again to the farming communities, 
visiting Longmont, Loveland, and Fort Collins, none of which 
had yet been organized into regular parishes. ^° 

And then we find him making another visit to the mountains, 
this time undertaken to serve not the mining population but the 
railroad construction workers. His account of this journey fur- 

17 "In the early days Central City was the heart of the mining district. 
Other places were little more than prospects, but Central City had the 
mines, and gold was being taken from them in large quantities. Denver was 
headquarters for the entire region, but Denver had no mines. It was the 
great center for supplies, and all the mines looked to it for support, as it 
looked to the mines for profit. Locating definitely in Denver as the logical 
place of residence. Father Machebeuf made Central City his first mission. 
He visited it several times before the close of 1860, each time saying Mass 
at a different place. The first Mass was said in a theatre, the second in a 
vacant billiard room, the third in a dance hall. The fourth in vacant store, 
etc. . . . 

"Father Machebeuf's first congregation numbered 200, most of whom 
were men. Few families had come at this early date, and few women of 
respectability ventured among that conglomerate mass of male humanity" 
{History, 13). 

A concise account of the development of the mining industry in Colo- 
rado will be found in Le Roy R. Hafen, Colorado, The Story of a Western 
Commonwealth, Denver, 1933. More specific details of individual camps and 
towns are contained in Baker and Hafen (eds.). History of Colorado (1927), 
and in numerous articles scattered throughout the files of the Colorado 

IS History, 15. 

19 Longmont was founded in 1871 by the Chicago-Colorado Colony. 
Although there were no Catholics among the original colonists, members of 
the Church began to come in as the railroad was built northward (History, 
35). See also James F. Willard and Colin B. Goody koontz (eds.). Experi- 
ments in Colorado Colonization, 1869-1872 (University of Colorado Histori- 
cal Collections, Colony Series, Volume II), Boulder, Colorado, 1926, 135-330. 

"The City of Fort Collins occupies the site of a fort and military 
reservation which was thrown open to settlers in 1872. An organized colony 
of settlers then came in and built up homes and a prosperous town. Prior 
to this time there were a number of French-Canadians along the banks of 
the Cache-a-la-Poudre river, and they were visited during the early years 
by Father Machebeuf. . . . Without doubt he was here in 1861 and also 
Father Raverdy . . ." (History, 35-36). 


nishes us with a glimpse of another aspect of Catholic life in 
Colorado in the late 'seventies. 

The Bishop . . . started on one of his long visitations and only Father 
Raverdy and myself were left in Denver. Yet, I had to make a visit to some 
of the camps along the railroad that was then being built in the mountains 
up the Platte river. ... I took a horse and buggy for the trip, and one day 
in the vicinity of Dome Rock I was caught in a mountain snow storm. The 
road soon dwindled to a mere trail, and that was difficult to follow in the 
storm. To add to my trouble a connecting rod in my buggy broke while I 
was descending a steep and sliding mountain side. I managed to tie it up 
with a loose strap from the harness, and finally reached a camp almost 
frozen. The foreman of the ranch saw me coming, and, helping me out of 
the buggy, he told me to go in to the fire and he would take care of my 
horse. While I was getting warm and talking to the cook, who was an 
Irishman, the foreman (a non-Catholic Englishman named Madge) asked 
his men, who were mostly Irish, what was the custom when the priest came 
to visit the camp. They told him of mass in the morning, to which he kindly 
agreed and said they might take an hour from work for that purpose. I 
told him they need lose no time for the mass would be before working 
hours. ... At another camp I was told that morning services were not 
possible but I might preach on temperance some night. . . .20 

When the Jesuit Fathers of the Neapolitan Province came to 
Colorado from New Mexico in 1879, they relieved the labors of 
the secular clergy at the Cathedral, but the latter were still left 
with the outside missions. "Father Hewlett attended those to 
the east as far as Kit Carson near the Kansas boundary."^^ 

In 1879 the mountain parish of Central City became vacant 
by the death of the famous bibliophile, Father J. M. Finotti. The 
parish was on the verge of bankruptcy, and not being able to find 
an experienced pastor. Bishop Machebeuf assigned it to Father 
Howlett, He remained pastor there until 1886, meanwhile bring- 
ing order out of the financial chaos, healing local divisions among 
factions, and attending the small mining camps in the surround- 
ing region, which usually flourished for a short time and then 
closed down. 

In those days the whole of Northwestern Colorado was almost a wilder- 
ness. The Ute Indians had been removed to Utah after the Meeker Mas- 
sacre, but they would return at times in the hunting season and then there 
would be trouble. In the summer of 1879 they killed some of the adventurous 
settlers near Meeker, and were supposed to have set fire to the timber. 
One Sunday the smoke was so thick at Central City that it was supposed 
that the Indians were burning the timber near the town. I was teaching 

20 Recollections, 61-62. 

^^ Ibid., 62. (An account of the coming of the Jesuits is given in the 
article following this.) 


Sunday school and had to light the lamps at three o'clock to continue the 
class. ... It was a false alarm, however, for the Indians were nearly a 
hundred miles away. Once afterwards they invaded that section to hunt 
and fight, but a force was sent against them by the State, and after a 
single skirmish they retreated to their reservation in Utah and were kept 
there by the U. S. forces.22 

With the years came changes in the industrial and social life 
of Colorado, and of these changes Father Howlett became a part. 

As the years passed the inhabitants of Central City and the other moun- 
tain towns would move away and locate in the towns and country in the 
level districts. I myself felt that mountain scenery was good for a time, but 
the attraction began to wear off and I longed for a place where the view 
widened out and one could move about without a feeling of being hemmed 
in even by those beautiful barriers. ... I did not let the thought worry 
me much but I felt its force, and when, in 1886, Bishop Machebeuf called 
me to Denver I left Central City without many regrets.23 

After a few months at the Denver Cathedral Father Howlett 
again took to the mission field, this time in the new and coming 
agricultural areas of the plains. Here again we witness the re- 
enactment of the age-old adjustment of the Church's teaching 
mission to the demands of specific environments. Father How- 
lett's new field of labor was in northern Colorado. 

Lines drawn from Denver to the boundaries of the state both north 
and east would cut off a section nearly one hundred miles in width and one 
hundred and fifty in length. This section had no priest in its entire extent. 
Father Thomas M. Conway of North Platte, Nebraska, had made one or 
two visits to a part of it but no priest in Colorado had charge of it. In 
leaving Denver I assumed the care of this field. It is not that most of it 
was an unbroken prairie over which herds of cattle ranged, but there were 
two railroads crossing it and homesteaders were then coming in to take up 
government land. Several little towns were starting also, among which 
were Brighton, Platteville, Fort Morgan, Sterling, Julesburg, Akron and 
Yuma. Section houses at the intermediate stations were about fifteen miles 
apart, and many of these were in charge of Catholic men. My first work 
was to explore this region and find out who and where the Catholics were. 
After locating them I made the little towns my stations for Sundays, and 
visited intervening section houses during the week. My first headquarters 
were at Brighton, about twenty miles from Denver, and there I built my 
first mission church. Mr. Daniel Carmichael donated the ground, and in 
1887 I built a neat brick church which served the congregation well until a 
new one was built about 1930. Sterling was then growing and a new railroad 
to it when the Burlington was building from Holdrege in Nebraska to 
Cheyenne in Wyoming. From the graders on this road I collected enough 

22 Ibid., 63. 

23 Ibid., 66. 


money to buy a block of ground in Sterling, and in 1888 I built a frame 
church, which was dedicated by Bishop Matz, June 24, 1888, — the feast of 
its patron, St. John the Baptist. This church had the misfortune of being 
hit three times by hurricanes and demolished the third time.-* 

The northeastern portion of Colorado was the region where 
some of Father Howlett's most extensive work was done. It was 
in this area that he acquired the name of a church builder. It 
was to prove the more permanent area of the state too. With the 
passing of years many of the mines ceased to produce in quan- 
tities deemed sufficient for the investments. The mines, in conse- 
quence, were closed, the population began to move away, and the 
towns sank to a state of somnambulance if they did not become 
altogether "ghost towns." But the agricultural areas, on the con- 
trary, tended to increase in population and prosperity. 

This northeastern corner of Colorado was still very largely 
cattle country when Father Howlett took up his work there. But 
in time the range was curtailed and more general agriculture 
took its place. Father Howlett's reminiscenses contain a number 
of pithy paragraphs tracing the ecclesiastical and civil develop- 
ment of the locality. 

Prior to 1887 there were but few Catholics in what is now Logan and 
Washington counties. Both these counties were then a part of Weld county 
(both the counties have since been subdivided several times), and had no 
settlers except along the lines of the Union Pacific and the Burlington rail- 
roads. Sterling was a division station on the U. P. road, and as such had 
prospects of becoming a town of some importance. It was founded by people 
from Mississippi and Tennessee who belonged to the Southern Methodist or 
Cumberland Presbyterian denominations, and these naturally inherited a 
great deal of religious prejudice. However, none of them opposed me in 
[my] efforts to establish a Catholic church there, and some of them even 
added their mite to my subscription list. I first said mass in the railroad 
section house occupied by Mr. Michael Nelligan, then in a small hall owned 
by a citizen and rented for any public purpose, and finally in my new 
church. The congregation was composed mostly of railroad men, and the 
remainder, about a dozen in all, were business men and homesteaders. 

Julesburg was at the N. E. corner of the state at the junction of the 
main line of the U. P. railroad and the branch line leading to Denver. It 
was a new frontier town and was all agog over the rush of settlers seeking 
government land. Like all frontier towns it was praised up as the future 
great city, from which railroads were to radiate to all parts. It was said 
to have every natural advantage and blessing except rain, and that would 
follow as it always did when the country was settled and the ground 
plowed. There were several good business blocks there and I bought a site 
for a church, but in the meantime said mass at the section house. Counting 

^4 Ibid., 67. 



the homesteaders with the railroad people there was a nice little congre- 
gation, but later this and most of the frontier towns dwindled away for a 
time when the homesteaders found that the rain did not come and they had 
to abandon their claims and seek a living elsewhere.25 

Respecting his ministry in this farming section, Father Hew- 
lett tells us that 

Brighton, Platteville, Sterling and Julesburg were small towns on the 
Union Pacific railroad where I could say Mass on Sundays and have a 
goodly number at mass, and there were six intervening stations where I 
went on weekdays. On the Burlington road Fort Morgan, Akron and Yuma 
were the principal stations, and four smaller places where I said Mass. 
When the Burlington road was completed as far as Sterling on the Cheyenne 
line, a thrifty town was founded near the boundary of Nebraska, called 
Holyoke, and I attended that as well as three stations in Nebraska, and 
three more on the new line. 26 

Looking back over these years on the Colorado mission, he 
writes : 

I cannot leave the subject of my prairie missions without paying due 
tribute to the generous-hearted and faithful Catholics of those pioneer 
days in Eastern Colorado. There were no rich among them as far as worldly 
goods go but they were rich in faith and good will. Some came long distances 
to mass and thirty-five miles were not too long when they had a child to be 
baptized. When I visited them in their homes nothing they had was too good 
for me. If they were at meals they invited me to sit down with them, but 
generally they would begin by taking their ordinary food from the table 
to substitute something better. To this I always objected, telling them that 
what was good enough for them at all times was good enough for me at 
one meal, and I was not fit to be a missionary if I could not live on the food 
of the country. They may have lived in a sod house or a dugout, but the best 
corner was given to the priest. In fact I found that it was possible to kill 
one with kindness. 27 

Father Hewlett's connection with these missions of north- 
eastern Colorado was broken in 1889, when he was transferred 
to St. Ignatius' Church, Pueblo, where he arrived on February 1 
of that year. A year later he was moved to St. Leo's Church, 
Denver, where he remained until the church was completed and 
the school in operation. He was then called to the rectorship of 
the Cathedral where the finances were in a difficult condition. He 
was next transferred to the parish of Georgetown, once pros- 
perous but at his coming in decline owing to the fall in the price 
of silver. There was debt on the church at Georgetown and on 

25 Ibid., 67. 

26 Ibid., 68. 

27 Ibid., 70. 

' Pi UTill) TH. "^1 

T^'RiS PRO% 


its mission church at Silver Plume. For two years Father How- 
lett labored to bring the finances of the parish into good condi- 
tion, and in 1897 he was transferred to Colorado City, now a part 
of Colorado Springs. Here, too, he was faced with the problem 
of paying off a small debt and virtually building up a parish. 
And again in 1903 he was sent back to St. Ignatius' Church, 
Pueblo, to pay off debt once more and to make improvements in 
the parish. 

Weary, at last, of the task of debt-paying Father Howlett 
now requested Bishop Matz for a small parish where he might 
devote more time to his literary work. In response Bishop Matz 
assigned him to the parish of Loveland, of which he took charge 
in the autumn of 1909. 

It was while serving as pastor of Loveland that Father How- 
lett received the invitation of Mother General Praxedes Carty of 
the Sisters of Loretto to assume the chaplaincy of the Loretto 
Mother House at Nerinx, Kentucky, left vacant by the death of 
his seminary friend, Father E. Drury. This request was seconded 
by many of the priests of the Louisville Diocese, and by its 
bishop, the Rt. Rev. Denis O'Donaghue. Bishop Matz acquiesced, 
and in October, 1913, Father Howlett took up residence at Lor- 
etto, which was to end only with his death. 

Thomas F. O'Connor 
(Part II will appear in April) 


Account of the First Jesuit Missionary 
Journey Across the Plains to Santa Fe 

The Jesuits in New Mexico date the history of their labors 
from the fifteenth of August, 1867, two decades after the Spanish 
frontier in New Mexico had become a part of the United States. 
Bishop Lamy of Santa Fe, in need of missionaries for his diocese, 
had gone to Rome to ask for help from the Jesuits. The provincial 
at Naples was looking for a foreign mission to place part of the 
dispersed Neapolitan Province, a victim of the revolution in 
Italy, so by the direction of the Father General of the Society, 
Father P. J. Beckx, New Mexico and Colorado were added to its 
field of activities. 

The New Mexico-Colorado mission of the Neapolitan Province 
of the Society of Jesus, begun by the little band of five Jesuits 
who arrived at Santa Fe in 1867, flourished.^ A half century later, 
in 1919, when the mission was divided and transferred to the 
Missouri and New Orleans provinces, there were one hundred 
and twenty-two Jesuits in the field, and the scene of their activ- 
ities embraced the vast area from Montana to Old Mexico, and 
from Arizona to Oklahoma.^ The work inaugurated by the first 
Jesuit band of 1867, of which Donate M. Gasparri, author of the 
accompanying narrative, was a member, constitutes one of the 
notable chapters in the history of the Catholic Church on the 
American frontier. 

The only original narratives of this important and remark- 
able missionary journey hitherto published in English are the 

1 For the history of the New Mexico-Colorado mission of the Neapolitan 
Province see: J. H. Defouri, Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in 
New Mexico, San Francisco, 1887, 106-130; Benjamin M. Read, Illustrated 
History of New Mexico, Santa F6, 1912, 522-530, based entirely on A. M. 
Mandalari, S. J., "Missione del Nuovo Messico e Colorado," Lettere Edificanti 
della Provincia Napoletana della Compagnia di Gesu, 1911, Naples, 1911, 
217-226. Most valuable however, are Vito M. Tromby, S. J., Historia Mis- 
sionis Novi Mexico et Colorati et Elogia Nostrorum qui in ea Missione 
defuncti sunt, Ms., n. d., 136 pp., and F. M. Troy, S. J., Historia Societatis 
Jesu in Novo Mexico et Colorado, Ms., n. d., 140 pp., both in Regis College 
Archives, Denver. 

2 Catalogus Provinciae Neapolitanae Societatis Jesu, Ineunte Anno 
1919, Naples, 1919, 42. 



very brief and incomplete accounts of Sister M. Kotska Gauth- 
reaux, S. L., and John Geatley, edited by Thomas F. O'Connor 
and published in Mid-America, XIX (January, 1937), pp. 62-67, 
and the short excerpts from Father Brun and Father Gasparri to 
be found in Defouri and Sister Lilliana Owens.^ 

Gasparri's account appeared in Italian in the Lettere Edi- 
ficanti of the Neapolitan Province in 1886.* It had been dictated 
by him in Spanish to Father Vito M. Tromby, who translated it 
into Italian for the records of the Neapolitan Province, where it 
appeared in print over Gasparri's name four years after his 
death.'^ Not only is it the only full length account by a partici- 
pant, but it fills an important gap in the history of the beginnings 
of the Jesuit Mission of New Mexico and Colorado; and for the 
general history of the American frontier it is a source of real 
and unusual value for the story of life on the western trails in 
the 1860's. 

J. Manuel Espinosa 

Containing the account of the journey of Father Donato M. 
Gasparri of the Society of Jesus, when he went to found the New 
Mexico mission in 1867. 

Although the account of this journey is set forth belatedly, 
it is not because it is lacking in interests, for I can relate in 
fullest detail those things which in other letters are related very 
briefly. This account can be of much value for the history of the 
mission which the Society founded in New Mexico. 

The illustrious John Baptist Lamy, Bishop of Santa Fe, the 
capital of New Mexico, after having assisted in the month of 
October, 1866, at the second National Council of the United 
States, held in Baltimore, left for Europe charged with carrying 
and presenting at Rome the acts of the Council. From the time 
that the diocese of New Mexico had been entrusted to him, in 
order to do good he had brought from the United States some 
religious of the Congregation of Our Lady of Loretto for the 

3 Defouri, 107-117, and Sister Lilliana Owens, The History of the Sisters 
of Loretto in the Trans-Mississippi West, Ph. D. Ms., St. Louis University, 
St. Louis, 1935, 312, 313. Secondary accounts may be found in Troy, 1-15, 
Owens, 307-315, Tromby, 5-7, Defouri, ut. cit., Sister Blandina Segale, At the 
End of the Santa F6 Trail, Columbus, 1932, 100-105, and Rev. J. B. Salpointe, 
Soldiers of the Cross, Notes on the Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico, 
Arizona and Colorado, Banning, California, 1898, 257-258. 

4 Lettere Edificanti della Provincia Napoletana della Compagnia di 
Gesu, Serie V, 1886-1887, Naples, 1886, 170-176. 

5 Ihid., preliminary note, 170. 


education of the girls, and from France some Brothers of the 
Christian Doctrine for the boys. Likewise, on the various jour- 
neys which he made in France he always brought French priests 
to this mission for the good of the people. For the greater devel- 
opment of his diocese on this expedition he asked and obtained 
from our Very Reverend Father General, Peter Beckx, some 
Fathers of the Society. 

This mission was added to the Neapolitan Province, and the 
Father General ordered some of the Neapolitan Fathers and 
Brothers laboring in Spain at the time to leave for New Mexico. 

In New Mexico proper there had been no Jesuits prior to 
1767 [sic], although they had been in the vicinity, vv^here they 
were well known and highly esteemed. They returned then one 
hundred years after they had been expelled from the Spanish 

Father Francesco Ferrante, the provincial at Naples, chose 
Fathers Donato M. Gasparri and Raffaele Bianchi, and Brother 
Raffaele Vezza, who would find other companions in Paris and 
New York. The letter which notified us of the day of our de- 
parture arrived on Good Friday, April 19, 1867; it exhorted us 
to set out at once. So without delay, I, who was in Valencia, 
Spain, set out for Tortosa on the 23rd to join Fr. Bianchi and 
Bro. Vezza, and on the following day all three of us left for 
Barcelona. There we could have remained a few days, but we 
chose to go by way of Manresa and Zaragoza before leaving 
Spain, which we would never see again, in order to visit Loyola, 
which none of us had seen. We reached Manresa on the afternoon 
of the 25th, Zaragoza on the 26th, and Loyola on the 27th. On 
the following day. Low Sunday, we had the consolation of cele- 
brating mass at the home of our saintly father Ignatius, and 
of honoring and venerating his sacred memory. In Loyola we 
met two French priests and Fr. O'Callaghan of Maryland who 
were on their way back from Rome, and with them we left for 
Bayona on that same Sunday afternoon. On the following day, 
the 29th, we alone went to Bordeaux, on the 30th we were at 
Blois, and on the 1st of May we arrived at Paris, which was the 
day we were due there, in accordance with our instructions. But 
it was not necessary to be in such a hurry, because the ship which 
was to take us was not to leave Havre until the 9th of May; and 
neither Bishop Lamy nor his companions, with whom we were to 
travel, were in Paris. We found only our Brother Prisco Caso, 
who joined us for the mission. Being in Paris we went to see the 


Universal Exposition with Bishop Lamy and Fr. Secchi, and on 
the 7th we departed for Havre. In the bishop's party there were 
three secular priests and eight seminarians, among whom were 
two of his nephews. On the 9th we embarked on the ship Europa 
of the Compagnie Transatlantique, and we left port at noon. On 
the following day we anchored at the port of Brest. Many dis- 
embarked, and some of us went to our House, returning to sleep 
on board. On the 11th, the feast of Saint Francis Girolamo, we 
were able to say Mass in our church at Brest, and in the after- 
noon we returned to the ship. Among the passengers were two 
Prussian Fathers of our Society, Fathers Braun and De Xahua- 
Badliz [de Haza-Radlitz], on their way to St. Louis, Missouri, 
whose acquaintance it was our pleasure to make three days later. 

Sea voyages are ordinarily all alike and monotonous, if this 
sad monotony is not interrupted by wind and storm. Ours was a 
most happy one, despite some dangers which we encountered. 
The wind was always against us. During the first three days the 
weather was good, but after a while it became rainy and foggy. 
Off Newfoundland a real storm arose, but on Sunday the sea was 
calm and we said Mass. Although the fog was very thick on the 
22nd, nevertheless the following day was magnificent. We were 
approaching the continent and we began to see land, which made 
us very happy after so many days on the sea. At last we entered 
the port of New York, or bay of the Hudson River. The voyage, 
which was over three thousand (3000) miles distance, took us 
twelve days. Because we were missionaries much of our baggage 
was let in duty free at the New York customs house, which would 
have been quite the contrary in Europe. There we separated from 
the bishop and his companions, and went to our College of Saint 
Francis Xavier where we were received by our brethren with 
much hospitality. We remained a few days in New York, and in 
that great and populous city we saw many beautiful things. 

On the very night that we reached New York, Fr. Angelo 
Paresce, provincial of the Maryland Province, was notified of our 
arrival, as was expected. As he was of our province, our Father 
Provincial and the very reverend Father General had recom- 
mended us to him. Also a Father in Maryland was to join us, 
Fr. Livio Vigilante, of our province, who was at this time at 
the College of Worcester. He and Fr. Paresce reached New 
York on the 25th of March. As the following day was Sunday, 
we waited until Monday the 27th, when we left for Baltimore 
at about eight o'clock in the morning. By noon we were in Phila- 


delphia, and at four o'clock in the afternoon we reached Balti- 
more, one of the largest cities in the United States, situated on 
the Patapsco River, founded by the Catholics, Lord Baltimore 
and his colony, where for the first time religious liberty was pro- 
claimed. In this same city, after the United States had declared 
their independence, was established the first Episcopal See in 
1783 [1789] because up to that time the American Catholics were 
subject to the Vicar Apostolic of London, The first Bishop of 
Baltimore was our Fr. John Carroll, who was presented by the 
American clergy and approved by the Holy Father Pius VI. The 
diocese of Baltimore was not created until 1789, and the said 
Father was not consecrated until 1790. 

We remained some time in Baltimore, from whence we went 
to Georgetown, and then returned. On the 4th of June the five 
of us moved on to Cincinnati, destined for the New Mexico Mis- 
sion, travelling 544 miles by railroad, from eight o'clock Tuesday 
morning until five o'clock Wednesday afternoon. On the follow- 
ing day, after dinner, we left Cincinnati for Saint Louis, where 
we arrived the next day before noon, after travelling three hun- 
dred and forty miles. On the 10th, the first Sunday after Pente- 
cost, after our noon meal, we departed for Leavenworth. There, 
at the home of Monsignor Miege, of our Society, Vicar Apostolic 
of Kansas, the rest of our companions were awaiting us with 
Bishop Lamy. From New York to Leavenworth we had travelled 
one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine miles, all by railroad. 
We rested there for three days and on Friday, after dinner, we 
resumed our journey. 

Besides the bishop, we were six priests, three of the Society 
and three seculars, two of our Brothers, two Brothers of the 
Christian Doctrine, five nuns, three Sisters of Loretto and two 
Sisters of Charity, a young French student with his parents and 
a sister, a young Mexican, a nephew of the bishop, and four other 
persons, twenty-six in all. We had two wagons for provisions, 
five carriages, and various mules and horses, some for riding and 
others for heavier duty. Since there were no more railroads some 
travelled in carriages and others on horseback, and that afternoon 
we travelled very little distance. From Leavenworth to Junction 
City, crossing mountain country, the road was rocky and diffi- 
cult. Along the road we came across growing villages and cities. 
When it was necessary to stop, either by day or by night, we 
would make camp near some inhabited place. We would unloose 
the animals and prepare dinner or supper, everyone doing his 


part in the preparation of the meal. When night came, after 
supper and recreation, everyone, whenever and wherever he 
pleased, would spread his blanket on the ground and go to sleep ; 
but for the nuns there was a tent. During the first few nights rain 
sometimes accompanied by thunder and lightning caused us 
great trouble and made it difficult for us to sleep, and during 
the day we suffered greatly from the heat. More than once the 
road was badly damaged by the storms, which with other causes 
greatly delayed our journey. 

On the 20th toward evening we arrived at the place occupied 
by the Pottowatomi Indians, in the center of which is located 
the headquarters of the mission founded by our Jesuit Fathers, 
and where there is also a college of ours for the boys, and an- 
other for the girls run by the Religious of the Sacred Heart. We 
were well received there by the Fathers. On Sunday, the 23rd, 
the bishop preached in English. In Church there were both Amer- 
icans and Indians. That night there was a musical program be- 
cause it was the eve of the bishop's saint's day. There we were 
joined by Fr. de Blieck, a Belgian of the Missouri province whom 
our Fathers had turned over to the bishop for a while. 

On the 24th we departed, and that night we arrived at Louis- 
ville. On the following day we crossed the Blue River by boat, 
and stopped near a village named Manhattan. Two days later, 
on the 27th, we reached the Republican River, which we also 
crossed by boat, and two or three miles from there we stopped at 
Junction City to rest. We remained there that night and the fol- 
lowing day in order to obtain information regarding the wild 
Indians and to make proper preparations because we were going 
to travel for many days over desert country. Although the re- 
ports we had concerning the Indians were very fearful, never- 
theless our caravan went on from Junction City. Other caravans 
were soon to leave Leavenworth with our baggage, but they were 
not taking the same road. 

We spent that night a few miles from Junction City. The next 
day, which was the feast of St. Peter, the bishop said mass and 
then returned to Junction City on business. There we were visited 
by four peaceful Indians, all badly equipped and dirty and only 
one of whom was armed. They greeted us in their language, "Hau, 
Hau," shook hands, sat on the ground near us, and asked for 
coffee, tobacco, and liquor. After they had eaten and observed 
everything, they left, for which reason we thought they were 
spies. Although we caught up with other groups of travellers we 


went ahead, and thus we travelled alone for three days, whereas 
the others joined them in order to be better protected. But on 
the 3rd of July we also tried to reach other caravans which were 
ahead of us. We met a dozen Indians, but they did not give us 
any trouble, perhaps because they saw that we were a goodly 

The wagons of the caravans were drawn by oxen, and on ac- 
count of this going was slow. Whenever many caravans would 
join together certain rules and regulations were established. A 
captain was chosen whom all must obey, and he had his council 
composed of men chosen from among the drivers of the wagons. 
When we joined the caravan that had been ahead of us, it already 
had its captain. Nevertheless they offered the command to the 
bishop. But he thanked them for the honor and left them in 
authority as they were more familiar with that type of travel. 
Since they were Mexicans and Catholics they were very pleased 
to travel with us, and they promised to defend us from the In- 
dians at any cost. They were many and they were leading about 
eighty wagons. Whenever we stopped we would form a camp 
surrounded by the wagons in order to protect ourselves from 

From the night of July 3rd until the 31st of the same month 
we travelled along the edge of the Arkansas River. It has its 
source in the Rocky Mountains and empties into the Mississippi, 
and its course is (1,600) sixteen hundred miles. Its banks were 
infested with Indians, and a few days before there had been at- 
tacks and clash of arms. Often we would come across signs of 
destruction, such as houses in ruins, earth piled up over dead 
bodies, parts of corpses, arms, clothes, and abandoned wagons. 
On the 6th, early in the morning, we saw a band of twelve In- 
dians, well armed and well provided. Peacefully they asked us 
for coffee and tobacco, and they in turn offered us buffalo meat. 
On the following day there was great consternation. We thought 
that we had seen a large band of Indians, and there was rumor 
that they had attacked another caravan ahead of us. On this 
account orders were given to stop and prepare ourselves for 
attack, with arms in hand, but thanks be to God nothing hap- 
pened. The next day we had a similar experience. There was a 
thick fog and some members of the caravan went out to look for 
our animals, which we would let out to graze whenever we 
stopped. But a short while later we saw the animals returning 
without the men, who had lost their way in the fog. As they 


were delaying and it was time to depart the captain gave orders 
to resume the journey, ordering some to remain behind to await 
and search for them. But when the fog cleared, since they did 
not see the wagons, but the men on horseback instead, they 
thought them to be Indians, and they were very frightened be- 
cause they were without weapons or horses. On this account they 
hid themselves behind the trees and thought themselves lost. But 
when the riders approached they recognized them to be their 
companions, and returned with them to rejoin the caravan. From 
that day onward the road was less deserted, for we found post- 
houses and forts where soldiers were stationed. 

On the 11th of June we reached the Panama River and it took 
us all day to cross it. Fort Larned is near there, and we stopped 
there for a while because a few Catholic soldiers were sick with 
cholera and they desired to see a priest. On the following day 
we had three cases of cholera among those in our caravan, and 
one died within a few hours. On the same day we thought that we 
could see a herd of animals in the distance, and many from the 
caravan hastened, some on foot and some on horseback, to hunt 
them down, but upon approaching them it was discovered that 
they were men, and believing them to be Indians they turned 
back in order to warn us of the danger, so that we could make 
preparations for our defense. But instead it was another caravan 
that had been attacked by Indians the day before and which was 
about to defend itself from us, believing us to be Indians. 

Continuing our journey that day, in the afternoon we suc- 
ceeded in killing many buffalo. On the 16th we arrived at Fort 
Dodge, which is fifty-five miles from Fort Larned, and we re- 
sumed our journey immediately after supper. In the evening, at 
sunset, we saw some Indians rushing towards us. We stopped, 
unharnessed the animals, and placed them within the protection 
of the wagons with which we surrounded our camp, and with 
weapons ready we prepared to defend ourselves. But in less than 
a quarter of an hour the Indians had disappeared, hiding them- 
selves behind the hills, from whence they later attempted to at- 
tack thinking that we had forgotten them. But they did not come 
near us for they were frightened by our position and the shouts 
of the Mexicans, and they soon departed. That very same night, 
another caravan which was about four miles away having been 
attacked by Indians and a great number of lives having been 
lost, a messenger from that caravan rode into our camp to ask 
for help. Our men were stationed in various groups around the 


wagons, some standing watch and others sleeping. The man who 
had come was an American, but fearing him to be a spy or a 
traitor we did not deem it advisable to listen to his request. In 
any case it was dangerous to divide our people or to move camp 
by night. He left, but a short time later he returned to our camp 
and spent the night with us. In the morning we went on and 
joined the other caravan. We visited the wounded, one of whom 
was a Protestant who through the ministrations of Fr. de Blieck 
was converted, baptized, and died a Catholic. 

News of the fate of this caravan must have reached Fort 
Dodge, because before noon some soldiers from that fort joined 
us. We remained there all day, and that night we received the 
sad news that a Mexican caravan from Las Vegas had suffered 
the loss of five hundred and thirty oxen, and two lives at the 
hands of the Indians. But it was their fault, for they had per- 
mitted the animals to graze too far from the wagons. The follow- 
ing day we went as far as a ford in the river where about six 
hundred persons were gathered together. Some attempted to 
cross the river at that point but it was quite difficult. On the 22nd 
we went on a little farther in search of a place where we could 
cross the river more safely. Here one of the young men had an 
attack of cholera. On continuing our journey we spied some 
Indians. We were between the river on one side and some hills 
on the other. We immediately made camp and prepared for our 
defense. A short while later we saw a great number of Indians 
rushing down toward us from the hills. There were about three 
hundred of them, but most of them remained on the hills; they 
must have had their families and their belongings with them. 

When these Indians wish to make a planned attack they use a 
strange stratagem. They commence to run about the camp in all 
directions, making it very difficult to determine their plans, and 
this method was employed by those who attacked us that day. 
Our people began to fire upon them but they paid no attention 
and went on with their movements. Then they gathered in vari- 
ous groups as if to consult on some plan, and after they had 
separated again they began to run and fire at us at the same 
time. Whereas our men had to fire at them while they were in 
flight, the Indians had us standing still in our camp. The Mexi- 
cans killed and wounded some of the enemy, but these Indians, 
who dread to leave their dead or wounded in the hands of the 
enemy, picked them up and carried them away. We fought for 
more than two hours without any loss on our part. However, 


one of the Mexicans died of cholera in a few hours, and a short 
while later another who had been afflicted since morning met the 
same fate. We wished to resume our journey but it was too late, 
and we remained there all night. At about sunset an Indian ap- 
peared on the other side of the river unarmed and greeted us 
with the words, "Espaiioles amigos." Nevertheless, believing him 
to be a spy we frightened him by pointing guns at him and he 

On the following day we resumed our journey without delay. 
News of the attack had reached Fort Dodge, with the report that 
our camp had been annihilated with the exception of the nuns 
who had been taken captive. This report was sent to the Secre- 
tary of War in Washington, and from there it spread throughout 
all the United States and even reached Europe. On that same 
day, following the attack, one of the nuns got sick, received the 
last sacraments during the night, and died at ten o'clock the next 
morning. She was only twenty years old, and her name was 
Sister Alfonsina Thompson. It is not necessary for me to say 
how much we grieved her death. For fear of the Indians we did 
not think that it would be wise to remain at the place where she 
became ill. 

On the 26th we separated from the caravan, believing that 
we were already out of danger, in order to continue our journey 
more rapidly. This we did on the border of Kansas and Colorado. 
Toward evening we arrived at Fort Aubrey where we remained 
a few hours. About midnight we resumed our journey. The eve- 
ning of the 29th we reached new Fort Lyon, and many Americans 
and Irishmen came to visit us. From there we were to cross the 
Arkansas River in a large government boat. Everything had been 
arranged with the captain of the fort, but that very same night 
the boat went down, and it was necessary for us to go as 
far as Bent's Fort. But the boat there was small and scarcely 
large enough for the people alone. For this reason it was neces- 
sary to continue our journey along the edge of the river. At 
last, by the grace of God and through the intercession of Saint 
Ignatius on July 31 we arrived at a place where there was a large 
boat and so we crossed to the other side of the river. There an 
altar was set up and Fr. Vigilante said Mass, and the rest of us 
t-eceived Holy Communion in honor of our holy Founder. In the 
afternoon we resumed our jourey. On the following day, which 
was the 1st of August, we arrived at Iron Spring, and on the 2nd 
we reached Rock Spring, where after many days we at last 


found clear and fresh water ; and we began to see some inhabited 

On the 3rd, about noon, the parish priest of Trinidad came 
out to meet us. We were only a short distance from that village. 
Trinidad is situated on the Las Animas River, which river still 
goes by that name, and at the foot of Raton Mountain, one of the 
highest of the Rocky Mountains chain. The inhabitants received 
us with great joy, and on the following day, which was Sunday, 
August 4th, we said Mass and resumed our journey to Santa Fe, 
the capital of New Mexico Territory, and of the three dioceses of 
Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona. We were still two hundred 
and eight miles from Santa Fe. That night we arrived at Toll 
Gate or Summit House. On Monday morning we descended to the 
plain and crossed the Colorado River. On the following day we 
crossed the Vermejo River and the Cimarron, The night of the 
7th we arrived at a small village named Virginia City, and on the 
8th we reached Lago Salado, where thanks to God we were not 
bothered by the Ute Indians, who from time to time infest those 
regions. From there we resumed our journey to Mora, another 
village near which the parish priest came out to meet us, and 
with whom we proceeded as far as a place named Ocate. In order 
to pass on from there to Mora there was some difficulty due to 
the captain at Fort Union. But this difficulty was overcome and 
we arrived at Mora on the following day. There we spent two 
more days. From there we went to Las Vegas and then on to San 
Miguel. Everything we were received with great acclaim. On the 
14th of August we arrived at Glorieta, which is on the road to 
Santa Fe, and on the 15th we entered the capital accompanied 
by a magnificent procession composed of men on horseback and 
in carriages, and all the townspeople who had come out to meet 
us. And here we must say that among those who came out to 
meet us were many well-to-do Protestants and Governor Mitchell 
in person. As soon as we entered the city we went straight to the 
church where we sang the Te Deum and the bishop gave the bene- 
diction. Afterward we went to the bishop's residence, the brothers 
of Christian Doctrine and the nuns went to their respective con- 
vents, and the people sought their homes. And thus by Divine 
Goodness and Providence our journey came to a happy ending. 

And now is set forth briefly the distance in miles traveled 
from Leavenworth to Santa Fe : 

From Leavenworth to Junction City 150 miles 

From Junction City to Fort Larned 168 miles 


From Fort Larned to Fort Dodge 55 miles 

From Fort Dodge to Fort Aubrey 101 miles 

From Fort Aubrey to Fort Lyon 68 miles 

From Fort Lyon to Bent's Old Fort 34 miles 

From Bent's Old Fort to Gray's Ranch 91 miles 

From Maxwell to Santa Fe with various stops 163 miles 

If to this we add also 1,563 + 3,300 + 1,579 = 6,442 miles, 
for the various stops made between Valencia, Havre, Leaven- 
worth, and Santa Fe, we have a total of 7,340 miles. 

DONATO M." Gasparri, S. J. 

Notes and Comment 

A communication by Father Joseph Cantillon ( signed J. C. ) to the His- 
torical Bulletin of November, 1936, called the attention of readers to the 
fact that the Appleton's Cyclopedia listed thirty-one individuals in its pages 
as Jesuits, and that these are unknown as such to all except the anonymous 
author or authors of the Cyclopedia articles. If the gentleman whose name 
heads this note had been deemed worthy of an entry in the Appleton com- 
pilation, he would most assuredly share with the thirty-one a similar good 
fortune, or misfortune, depending upon one's point of view. We read in a 
thesis, presented to the University of Pennsylvania by John P. Corry and 
published in 1936 under the title Indian Affairs in Georgia, 1732-1756, page 
109: "Perhaps the most interesting and enigmatic figure in the history of 
Anglo-French Cherokee relations was Christian Gottlieb Priber, a man who 
was oddly enough neither Frenchman nor Englishman, but a German 
Jesuit." The basis for the statement by Mr. Corry, as the reference indi- 
cates, is the article of Verner W. Crane, "A Lost Utopia of the First Amer- 
ican Frontier," in the Sewanee Review (XXVII, 1919, 48-61). Turning to 
this article we are enlightened regarding the manner in which Mr. Corry 
made rumor a fact, and regarding the enigmatic Priber. We observe that 
the "backwoods Utopian (Priber), who, in the fourth decade of the eigh- 
teenth century, imported into the wilderness the most radical current 
European social and political philosophy," was regarded by the authorities 
of the frontier provinces of South Carolina and Georgia, "as a most danger- 
ous foe of English interests among the southern Indians, and agent of the 
French, even, it was darkly hinted a Jesuit." Whence this darksome hint? 
It is not found in contemporary accounts. Naturally, it would be too much 
to expect Priber to reveal his mysterious identity, to mention, even, such a 
heinous status in the letter, addressed by him to the trustees asking leave 
to go to Georgia, and fovmd in the edition of A. D. Candler, The Colonial 
Records of the State of Georgia (Atlanta, 1904, I, 218). Nor is there any 
hint in Adair's History of the American Indians (London, 1775, 240-243), 
wherein the English writer speaks of Priber and his scheme for obtaining 
universal happiness; nor is the hint in Grant's Relation, published in the 
South Carolina Historical Magazine (X, 1909, 59). The latter speaks of "one 
Pryber who Called himself a German but was certainly an Agent for the 
French." There is not question of his being a Jesuit in the South Carolina 
Gazette (August 15, 1743). Antoine Bonnefoy, during his captivity among 
the Cherokees, met Priber. The Frenchman refers to the German several 
times in his journal, and calls him Pierre Albert, piv6 Albert, Pive Albert, 
and Priv4 Albert (Archives des Colonies, Paris, F 3:365v, 367, 367v), but 
not once does he mention him as a Jesuit. We may safely assume that if 
there had been the least suspicion that Priber was in any way connected 
with the Jesuits, the contemporaries just quoted would have said so. More- 
over, the name of Priber is not found among the Jesuits listed in the offi- 
cial catalogues of the Order as present in North America for that period. 



Priber was first made a member of the Jesuit order by Americus, the 
author of the communication to the Annual Register for 1760, Characters, 
23, in which he says that while Oglethorpe was making an incursion to the 
very gates of St. Augustine, "one Preber, a German Jesuit, as he afterwards 
appeared to be, was sent prisonner to Frederica." Unfortunately Americus 
forgot to tell us how he found out that Priber was a Jesuit. Later in the 
same communication he wrote "what passed at his several examinations, it 
is not in my power to determine; but the consequence was, that he was 
detained a prisoner, and so remained when I left the colony, at the begin- 
ning of the year 1744." The legend was bom. W. B. Stevens in his History 
of Georgia (New York, 1847, I, 164), speaks of "the artful intrigues of a 
German Jesuit named Christian Priber, who was employed by the French 
to spy out the conditions of the English provinces, and to seduce the 
Cherokees from their allegiance to the English"; and after having given 
the main tenets of Priber's Utopia, he continues: "Such was the strange 
being whose Jesuitical intrigues well-nigh eventuated in the destruction of 
Georgia. A thorough Jesuit, an accomplished linguist, a deep tactician, far- 
sighted in his plans, and far-reaching in his expedients. J, Grahame, History 
of the United States (Philadelphia, 1850, II2, 139), refers to "one Preber, 
a German Jesuit, whose intrigues among the Creeks and Cherokees were 
happily detected and defeated by Oglethorpe." The following year, A. J. 
Pickett, History of Alabama (Charleston, 1851, I, 318), prefaces the accoimt 
of Adair about Priber with the following remarks: "While the English of 
Carolina and Georgia were engaged in various schemes to rid the territory 
of the present States of Alabama and Mississippi of its French popula- 
tions, by imscrupulous intrigues with the natives, the French were but 
little behind them in similar enterprises. The Jesuits were adventurous and 
brave and men of captivating address, and obtained much influence over 
the leading Chiefs, wherever they appeared. An account of the artful in- 
trigues of a German Jesuit, named Christian Priber, as related, in his 
singular style, by James Adair, an old British trader, who lived forty years 
among the Cherokees and Chickasaws, will now be introduced." Pickett does 
not say that Adair is not saying that Priber was a Jesuit. The Journal of 
Bonnefoy referred to above was published by N. D. Mereness in Travels in 
the American Colonies (New York, 1916). In the introduction, page 239, 
the editor wrote: "The French, however, were no less active than the Eng- 
lish. In 1736, they engaged Christian Priber, a German Jesuit, to alienate 
the Cherokees from the English." 

These few quotations show how each succeeding writer repeated im- 
critically what the other had said. That this should be the case is more or 
less to be expected from the various authors cited, but what is extra- 
ordinary is to find the Priber legend given a new lease of life in the doc- 
toral thesis mentioned at the beginning of this note, especially in this 
thesis which purports to be a continuation of Dr. Crane's study on the 
Southern Frontier. Dr. Crane reviewing Mereness' compilation in the Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review (IV, 1917-1918, 384), wrote: "The extra- 
ordinary backwoods Utopian encountered by the voyageur Bonnefoy is 
rightly identified with Priber; but it is an open question whether he was in 
fact engaged by the French to alienate the Cherokee from the English 
(certainly not in 1736, for in 1735 he was already a resident of Charles 


Town) ; and in any case it is highly improbable that he was a Jesuit." Not 
only highly improbable, but he was certainly not a Jesuit. Later, Dr. Crane 
modified his statement in the Dictionary of American Biography, writing 
that Priber's "methods, and his warnings to the Indians of English en- 
croachments, convinced the colonists that he was a French agent, some 
declared a Jesuit." The "some" mentioned here appear to stand for 
Americus of the Annual Register, who we may remark left America at the 
beginning of 1744. When Adair published his work long after this date, he 
did not think he had to make a Jesuit of Priber. Of course, it would be 
naive to expect Priber to be shorn of his Jesuit status in the next book 
dealing with the history of Georgia in the eighteenth century. Legends 
have more lives than the proverbial cat. — J. D. 

More than usual interest was taken in the sessions of the Academy of 
Political Science convention, held in New York City in November, 1937, at 
the Hotel Astor. Over one thousand college professors, economists, business 
and professional men attended, and this was said to be the largest repre- 
sentation in the fifty-seven years of existence of the Academy. Secretary 
Morgenthau and Senator Byrd spoke after the banquet as representatives 
of the two opposing elements of the Democratic Party, and the addresses 
were broadcast over a nation-wide hookup, indicative of the importance 
with which the proceedings were considered by the entire country. Cleavage 
of opinion was evident on questions of spending, taxation, and Federal in- 
cursions into fields of regxilation and operation hitherto occupied by private 

Mr. S. Parker Gilbert, a partner of the John P. Morgan firm, presided, 
and in his address received almost unanimous applause when he stated that 
the United States had probably "the worst tax system of any civilized 
country." Senator Byrd demanded that the Government "stop writing 
checks" and adopt a "pay-as-you-go basis" through economies, repeal of 
the undistributed profits tax, and other tax modifications to encourage busi- 
ness activities. The balanced budget came in for criticism. Secretary Mor- 
genthau expressed himself for the expansion of private business and against 
additional taxation, amid applause, but received good-natured twitting about 
the balanced budget. The significance of the discussion is revealed in the 
message of the President to Congress a week later. 

The morning session was devoted to a consideration of the national 
budgets of the three great democracies, England, France, and the United 
States. Dr. Fred R, Fairchild, Professor of Political Economy at Yale, 
criticized our "budget workmanship" as having a distinctly "amateurish 
flavor." Dr. Harley L. Lutz, Professor of Public Finance at Princeton Uni- 
versity, extolled the British "pay-as-you-go policy." Dr. Fairchild, citing 
the overestimation of revenues and underestimation of expenditure since 
1930, continued: "It is not easy to avoid a suspicion of bias when we find 
predictions erring so consistently on one side. The American people are 
justified in demanding from those entrusted with the conduct of their 
national finances a higher standard of budget-making and a more scrupulous 
regard for sincerity in financial statements." He scored in no uncertain 
terms the "double budget" of recent years. Professor Haig discussed the 


French budget. Dr. Lutz's laudatory observations on the practical way in 
which the English have met their budgetary problem, were rather rudely 
shattered by D. Graham Hutton, Assistant Editor of the London Economist, 
former Lecturer at the London School of Economics. In his opinion there 
was nothing "superior" and "infallible" or different in the methods used by 
the English in handling their financial problems; in fact, the problem of 
taking care of the national defense is becoming more and more diflScult. 
It is apparent that all three countries are confronted with a serious budg- 
etary crisis, conditions in France being more serious than in any of the 
other countries. The afternoon session touched more directly on the question 
of balancing the budget in the United States, the methods by which it might 
be accomplished, and the probable results if a sudden check were placed on 
federal spending. Many left the sessions with a feeling approaching pes- 
simism for the future of business recovery and the stability of the stock 
and bond markets. — J. Z. 

The historian in search of materials pertaining to more recent events 
frequently is forced to turn to the pages of newspapers and current peri- 
odicals. Formerly this large block of material was considered the habitat 
of authoritative documents, but now it is used only for citation of partisan 
opinions. Proof, if such is necessary, that the press may not be regarded 
as trustworthy by the historian, comes in the form of a book. The Washing- 
ton Correspondents, by Leo C. Rosten. For sixteen months the author in- 
vestigated the character, training, education, competency, truthfulness, 
objectivity, freedom for expression, and aflaiiations of news writers of na- 
tional importance. Practically one-third of the correspondents writing from 
Washington were eliminated because they were relatively of minor influ- 
ence. Of the remaining one hundred and twenty-seven questioned, one-third 
considered it almost impossible to be objective in writing national news, 
because of the policy of their papers. On the point of fairness and reliabil- 
ity a great number of newspapers were explicitly or implicitly condemned, 
while the significance of the same was questioned or rated very low. Fifty- 
five writers answered one question to the effect that freedom in the publi- 
cations of their observations was not permitted where policy was in ques- 
tion. Varying and notable numbers of the correspondents manifested per- 
sonal bias toward some or other question, such as labor, business, taxation, 
and national programs. 

The historian need not be informed that there is a moral in this and 
that there is a conclusion to be drawn. It might be pointed out that this 
survey of the manner in which news is dispensed to this generation and 
made part of the growing batch of materials which some day may be 
quoted by a new generation of students, might well be indicated by teachers 
of historical methods and analysis to students preparing to be masters and 
doctors in history. Professors assigned to conduct the class in methodology 
and writers of texts on historical method are frankly distrustful of current 
periodical materials, yet it is clear that in some cases newspapers and 
magazines are rendering history a service by imparting information as 
accurately as possible. Mr. Rosten has done considerable toward weeding 
out the untrustworthy, but much remains to be done. Because of findings 


of this type and because of the unreliability or incompetency of those 
describing an event, an attitude of skepticism is likely to be extended in 
an unhealthy way toward all historical materials, and the feeling may go 
abroad that the truth of the matter is unattainable, or that it is subjective, 
or that there is no truth. The conclusion should be, rather, that newspaper 
and magazine evidence is to be approached in a spirit of distrust, for, after 
all, an event occurred in only one way, and hence the objective truth re- 
mains. The subjective impressions of witnesses and the distortions of the 
truth merely increase the labor of the scholar rather than his despair of 
the attainability of the truth. 

One of the products of the Federal Writers Project, the first of a series 
of city guide books, describes Galena, Illinois. The Works Progress Ad- 
ministration has some six thousand researchers and writers employed in 
exposing the past and present claims to fame of localities throughout the 
United States. Galena Guide is the first of a well planned American Guide 
Series. It consists of an historical survey of the mining city in the far 
northeast comer of Illinois, with etchings interspersed, and a photograph 
and map section at the end of the eighty pages of text and statistics. While 
the booklet is an illustration of what can be done it serves also as an 
indication of what will have to be done, if the purpose of imparting his- 
torical information is ever to be achieved. The remedy is simple. A scholar 
should read the manuscripts and check errors before the printing. Other- 
wise, the appropriations will have been expended toward a fund of un- 
reliable or useless information, and what educational potentialities such 
booklets have for the general public and for the progress in scholarship 
of the workers, will have been squandered. 

The Reverend Thomas F. Cullen has produced his Catholic Church in 
Rhode Island, printed by the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, North 
Providence, Rhode Island, in 482 pages. The first part of the book is a 
survey of early Catholic Church developments in Maryland and New Eng- 
land, leading to the first Rhode Island parishes. The next part describes 
the organization of the dioceses of New England. The story, centering 
around the lives of the succession of bishops and told in reverent words, 
comes down to the present time. The third part is taken up with parish 
histories, beginning with the cathedral of Providence. The last portion is 
devoted to religious communities and lay societies. The very brief bibliogra- 
phy at the end scarcely reveals the industry of Father Cullen, and the 
format is far from pretentious. While designed for popular reading, the 
book is capable of expansion in many places, and it may well be used as 
an outline for future research. 

The United States Catholic Historical Society published the twenty- 
eighth volume of Historical Records and Studies in November, 1937 (New 
York, 271 pages). The first part of the contents is "American Prelates in 
the Vatican Council," by Raymond J. Clancy, C. S. C. It takes the nature 
of a compilation of great utility, including much documentary material in 


the survey of seventy-five pages; another sixty pages is devoted to ap- 
pendices, documents, including the oflBcials of the Council, the activities of 
the American hierarchy outside the Council, the Letter of Archbishop 
Spalding to Bishop Dupanloup, the speech of Archbishop Blanchet, and the 
lengthly "Concio" of Archbishop Kenrick. Another article well documented 
is "Oliver Pollock, Catholic Patriot and Financier of the American Revolu- 
tion," by William F. Mullaney, O. M. I. This is a master's dissertation writ- 
ten for the Catholic University of America on the subject of a recent book 
by James Alton James. A shorter article is entitled "James Kerrigan," by 
Sara M. Murphy. Mr. Thomas F. Meehan makes a very notable bibli- 
ographical contribution in his "Early Catholic Weeklies." The periodicals 
of the last century are listed with a three-page bibliography of fifty anti- 
Catholic books of the Society's collection. 

In speaking of bibliographies the excellent work of the editors of the 
Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, published at the Catholic University of 
Louvain, deserves prominent mention. The October, 1937, number of the 
quarterly adds 1,537 books and articles to the previous list of 6,851, and 
cites competent reviews of 1,891 books previously listed. An index of names 
of authors and reviewers of all works in the bibliography is supplied and 
is of great service. 

The Institute of Jesuit History of Loyola University, Chicago, an- 
nounces the publication of the first of its Studies, The Historical Sources 
and Some La Salle Journeys, by Jean Delanglez, S. J., Ph. D. The study in 
approximately one hundred pages will be ready in January of this year. 

William Warren Sweet has gathered up materials for a second volume 
of documents pertaining to church history and religion. The first volume 
was Religion on the American Frontier, The Baptists, 1783-1830; the pres- 
ent volume is Religion on the Am,erican Frontier, The Presbyterians, 1783- 
iSifO. Preceding the letters and autobiographies is an introductory survey 
of the organization and spread of the Presbyterian Church in the United 
States, and the subsequent schisms and divisions. Some of the items have 
no importance and others are examples of the emotionalism and intolerance 
of the times, but the whole work is significant as an effort at a new evalua- 
tion of the frontier from a religionist viewpoint. 

Professor J. Orin Oliphant is the author of an article, published in 
The Pacific Historical iSeuteto, September, 1937, "George Simpson and the 
Oregon Missions." The Bucknell professor inquires into the concern of 
Governor Simpson for the welfare of the Oregon Indians. Simpson was 
contemptuous of missionary activities, until it became clear to him that 
unconverted and orgy-loving tribesmen were a hindrance to the fur trade. 
Thereupon he favored the coming of the missionaries of various denomina- 
tions to the Columbia River Basin. 

Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 1936 (F*ublication 
43) contains the addresses delivered at the 1936 meeting of the Society. 
Two addresses dealt with the historical significance of the state parks of 
Illinois, one by James Alton James and the other by Robert Kingery. 
Theodore C. Pease indicated possibilities for research in "The French 


Regime in Illinois, A Challenge to Historical Scholarship," and Earl W. 
Hayter presented a paper on "Sources of Early Illinois Culture." 

A Guide to the Resources of the American Antiquarian Society was 
recently published at Worcester, Massachusetts. A general description is 
given, pages 35 to 86, of the library and archival materials available to 
students. The booklet is amply illustrated and contains an index. 

The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, October, 1937, continues its publi- 
cation of valuable documents, "Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 
for January- June, 1751," and "Index to the Spanish Judicial Records of 
Louisiana for April, 1783." The Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans, 
issued a seventy-page illustrated brochure entitled General Zachary Taylor, 
whose emphasis is on the war with Mexico. 

The Pacific Northwest Quarterly, October, 1937, published a "Survey 
of Spokane Church Archives." The archival materials in all the active and 
defunct churches of Spokane, Washington, are indicated briefly with men- 
tion of the condition and availability of the records. 

Book Reviews 

The United States and the Disruption of the Spanish Empire 1810-1822. By 
Charles Carroll Griffin. New York, Columbia University Press, 1937. 
Pp. 315. 

With wars raging in Spain and the Orient neutrality has become the 
bugbear of the chanceries of all nations. Any textbook of international law 
devotes a chapter to neutrality. The general principles are easily grasped, 
but the application of these principles to concrete situations is difficult and 
usually fraught with danger. In their perplexity, however, statesmen can 
thumb the pages of their nation's history for precedents to serve as guides, 
for, except the case of newborn governments, the history of any country 
will supply instances of neutrality legislation under conditions, similar if 
not identical, with those of today. 

Almost at the beginning of our existence as a sovereign nation the 
Washington administration adopted the policy of neutrality in regard to 
conflicts carried on by European powers, and from that day to this our 
government has played the r61e of a neutral nation on many occasions. 
One such occasion was the "Era of Emancipation," 1820-1830, when various 
sections of South and Central America declared their independence of 
Spain, and after various vicissitudes maintained their new status. 

That period was one of peculiar difficulty for the United States, be- 
cause many forces and emotions foimd play. Since Spain had striven to 
keep our domain restricted to the Atlantic seaboard, and, failing in this, 
had done her best to check our expansion into the Mississippi Valley, 
public opinion here weis anything but toward Spain. Florida and Texas, the 
western boundary of Louisiana, were questions on which the United States 
and Spain were wholly at variance. Spain's exclusion of other nations from 
commercial relations with her vast domain in the Americas aroused re- 
sentment in many quarters. Besides, there was a natural sympathy for 
people who seemed to be imitating our example in their quest for liberty 
and the right of self-government. On the one hand were our obligations, 
according to international law, towards another sovereigfn state with whom 
we were at peace; on the other was the knowledge that but for aid given 
us under similar circumstances we could not have thrown off the yoke of 
England. In time, however, the factional disputes among the rebels, the 
encouraging of desertion from United States merchant ships, the military 
despotism established in some places, the general non-existence of really 
democratic institutions, and the known monarchical leaning at Buenos Aires 
and elsewhere in Hispanic America weakened enthusiasm for the rebel 
cause, and in some cases gave birth to the belief that the people of Central 
and South America were unfitted to assume the responsibilities of self- 
government. Why substitute one tyranny for another, it was asked ? Finally 
privateering, a centuries' old resort of the nations, raised endless difficulties, 
for though the rights of privateers were recognized, piracy was outlawed, 
and the difference between privateering and piracy was one of nomencla- 



ture. Moreover, while some privateers of the rebel countries applied at our 
ports for the treatment usually accorded such vessels, other ships of the 
same countries began to prey on United States commerce when Spanish 
ships without armed escort almost vanished from the high seas. 

Under these circumstances our officials in the State Department were 
put to the test. Some proved to have feet of clay, but John Quincy Adams, 
the secretary of state, made a good record. Adams believed that a peaceful 
solution of all the difficulties between the United States and Spain was 
possible, and preferable to war. Accordingly he worked along these lines, 
and his efforts bore fruit in the Adams-Onis Treaty. After protracted nego- 
tiation this treaty was drawn up, and ratified unanimously by the Senate 
within two days of its signing. But the end was not yet. For two years 
Spain withheld ratification, largely because it hurt her pride to surrender 
territory, and because of the schemes of Spanish speculators in Florida 
real estate. Though indignant over Spanish procrastination. President 
Monroe kept his head, and Adams, the special sponsor of the treaty, proved 
remarkably long-suffering. When others lost heart or were inclined to use 
force, he remained hopeful. Exactly two years after the treaty was signed 
in Washington Spain yielded when she found Castlereagh disinclined to 
underwrite her scheme of reconquest, and a decisive victory of the rebels 
in Columbia, the succeesful revolt of Iturbide in Mexico, Peru's declaration 
of independence, and the threatening breakup of the European front 
destroyed the last vestiges of hope of gain by delay. 

By the terms of the treaty the government of the United States was 
left free to accord or withhold recognition of the new governments. Even 
so Adams, always a champion of legal form, would grant recognition only 
when they had definitely proved themselves to be 'de facto' governments. 
Spain could not consider such action an affront because it was in conformity 
with the practice of nations. 

Through the maze of negotiation, proposal and counter-proposal, argu- 
ment, propaganda, politics, and intrigue Dr. GriflSn proves a good guide. At 
all times he is calm, objective, impartial. Content for the most part to let 
records speak for themselves, he is not afraid to praise or blame when he 
is warranted in doing so. Of necessity he relies chiefly on official documents 
and correspondence, but newspapers, periodicals, memoirs, and private 
letters are used; these undoubtedly shed light on this involved decade of 
our history, but how close are they to revealing the truth? The fourteen 
pages of closely printed pages in the bibliography attest the comprehen- 
siveness of the research on which this volume is based. The student of 
diplomatic history, no less than the student of Spanish-American history, 
is indebted to Dr. Griffin for clarifying a hitherto obscure period. 

Charles H. Metzger 

The Colonial Agents of New York and New Jersey. By Edward P. Lilly. 
Washington, D. C, The Catholic University of America, 1936. Pp^ 

The study being reviewed was submitted as a doctoral dissertation to 
the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of the Catholic University of 
America. It is decidedly a credit to the institution which sponsored it, and 
an asset to the literature of the colonial period. As the title indicates, the 


scope is properly limited to the actions of the colonial agents of the New 
York and New Jersey colonies. The six chapters are devoted respectively 
to the colonial agency as an institution, the appointment of temporary 
agents, the appointment of permanent agents, the agent in action, the 
boundaries and the agent, and the agent's general activity. The necessity 
for the services of individuals who would be able to represent the colonies 
before the English authorities is very clearly set forth in the opening chap- 
ter. The entire background of the controversy relative to the precise powers 
and duties of the colonial agent is discussed. In summation, Dr. Lilly has 
concluded, "Despite all the material available, it is diflScult to definitely 
state the attitude of the English authorities toward the colonial agency. 
That the institution was tolerated is an underestimate and yet the agency 
cannot be classified as an integral organ of British colonial administration. 
At best it was an extra-legal development which the provinces utilized 
for the presentation of the colonial aspirations and necessities before the 
English authorities. The latter oflficials accepted the institution, received 
the available information and regulated this system of representation for 
the general interests of the empire" (p. 27). The English made use of the 
colonial agent in ordering the administration of the colonies, but did not 
feel any obligation to grant the demands made by the agent. Many colonists 
realized that representation in the British parliament would be of little 
value to them, since they would be such a distinct minority group, and, at 
times, hoped that the colonial agent would be able to accomplish more than 
duly elected members of the British Parliament, drawn from the colonies. 

The agent did represent a bond which might have gradually drawn the 
colonies and the mother country together. The fact that such a develop- 
ment did not take place was not altogether the fault of the colonies. The 
failure of the colonial agents to secure due consideration for the demands 
of the colonies was naturally one of the many factors which tended to make 
the war between the colonies and the mother country more or less inevitable. 

The various chapters give ample attention to domestic developments 
in the colonies concerned, with the result that the activities of the agents 
are understandable. Documentation from source material serves to establish 
the soundness of the statements made and the positions taken. Much ma- 
terial that is essential for the completeness of the study, but which would 
internipt the thread of the narrative, is placed in footnote citations. The 
richness of the documentation, and the paragraphs of the bibliographical 
essay, make very clear the thorough research completed during the prepara- 
tion of the dissertation. Much more attention has been given to such mat- 
ters as unity, coherence, clearness, and proportion in this study, than has 
been accorded to such matters in many dissertations. All points essential 
to the topic have been included, but there has been no discursive rambling 
into allied but unessential fields. A carefully prepared index contributes to 
the inherent worth of this scholarly study of a very important colonial 

Paul Kiniery 

The Spanish Southwest 15^2-1191^. By Henry R. Wagner. The Quivira So- 
ciety, Albuquerque, 1937. Pp. 553. $10. 

This annotated bibliography, put forth in the fine format adopted by 


the Quivira Society for the preceding six volumes of its publications, con- 
tains one hundred and fourteen facsimile illustrations, title pages of famous 
books, and maps, a descriptive bibliography of twenty-four pages, and a 
full index of twenty-eight pages. The introduction explains the author's 
purpose in issuing this second edition of The Spanish Southwest. The 
bibliography contained in the two volumes pertains to the northern prov- 
inces of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, which in late colonial times became 
the most independent Provincias Interims, and parts of which in republican 
times became sections of our Union, in other words, the southwestern 
borderlands. The titles of the books are listed chronologically, except where 
groupings were necessary because of multiple editions and translations. 
Use of the notes of Jose Toribio Medina are made judiciously, and in some 
instances corrections of statements found in the comprehensive work of 
the great bibliographer appear. Mr. Wagner's industry in compiling and 
describing books in this interesting and helpful manner deserves the highest 
commendation of bibliophiles and historians. What motive the Quivira 
Society has in publishing such limited editions (in this case 401 copies) 
is not clear to the reviewer, unless it is that plates are being conserved for 
less expensive editions. 

Jerome v. Jacobsen 

The Harkness Collection in the Library of Congress: Documents from 
Early Peru: The Pizarros and the Amalgros, 1531-1578. Edited and 
translated by Stella R. Clemence. The Government Printing Office, 
Washington, D. C, 1936. pp. ix + 253. $3.25. 

Mr. Edward S. Harkness presented a fine collection of Spanish manu- 
scripts to the Library of Congress in 1929. Miss Stella Clemence prepared 
a Calendar of these manuscripts, which was published in 1932. Her latest 
achievement is the present publication of some of the documents. There are 
forty-eight of these, all but two of which pertain to the years 1531 to 1545, 
admirably printed side by side with very good translations. Notes to the 
Spanish documents are with the text, while the enlightening historical 
notes to the translations appear at the end of the volume, followed by a 
quite sufficiently complete index. 

The manuscripts undoubtedly are of great value by reason of their 
antiquity, the autographs of the conquerors, and the materials pertinent to 
the business transactions of the Pizarros and Amalgros. They are of more 
value in their present form because of the painstaking labor of Miss Clem- 
ence. But one would be rash in stating that all these materials are of 
great importance to scholars. They are statements of obligations for wages, 
transportation, freight, supplies, debts, grants of power of attorney to 
agents and managers, several instructions, releases, and grants of en- 
comiendas, and two complaints of widows of conquerors regarding their 
losses of Indians. Some of the sources are more important than others — 
Gonzalo Pizarro's appointment to the governorship of Peru in 1544, and 
his instructions to Francisco de Carvajal, at the very time when he was 
working toward the destruction of the king's power in western South 
America. Interesting also are the legal documents pertaining to Pedro de 
Alvarado's sale of his armada to Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Amalgro 
at Quito, and the one of Fray Marcos de Niza, famed later as a forerunner 


of the Coronado expedition, in which his newly established cttstodia in 
Quito is turned over to Amalgro in Aug:ust, 1534. The publication in its 
entirety is of real value and adds color and substance to the narrative of 
the conquest of Peni. 

Jerome V. Jacobsen 

Spanish Tales from New Mexico. By Jos6 Manuel Espinosa. New York, 
American Folk-Lore Society, 1937. pp. xix+222. 

The folktales of a people are an index to their view of life, their tra- 
ditional mentality, their soul. The thoughts they muse upon in quiet hours, 
exchange around the evening fireside, and pass on from mouth to mouth 
and from one generation to another are more a part of their lives than the 
external features which attract the attention of the tourist historian. Dr. 
Espinosa has constituted himself the faithful chronicler of these delightful 
tales for five counties in north and central New Mexico. 

One hvmdred and fourteen stories, classified as magic, religious, pic- 
aresque, romantic, animal, and short anecdotes, make up a volume that 
has all the flavor and color of a culture transplanted from Old Spain and 
enduring over three centuries on American soil. In all, forty-three narrators 
ranging in age from twelve to one hundred years told the stories they could 
recall, while the compiler wrote them down in as near an approximation as 
possible to peculiar variations of grammar and pronunciation. The compiler 
undertook his work well equipped by his personal training and linguistic 
background. The introduction, bibliography, summaries and bibliographical 
notes in English, and a glossary leave nothing to desire in the way of 

The origin of most of the tales is found in Old Castile and Northern 
Spain. Other sections of Spain have also contributed. Indian influence is all 
but negligible. The reader who is interested in the long traditions of our 
Southwest is brought close to the intimate life of a people whose character 
seems to be changing rapidly. 


And Then the Storm. By Sister M. Monica. New York, Longmans, Green and 
Company, 1937. Pp. vii + 231. $2.50. 

The title of this very worthwhile little book Should by all reason read : 
"I Visit and Study in Spain," for it is an authentic account of the doings 
and opinions of a mature person who has just recently returned from a long 
sojourn in the centers of research in Spain. And the value of the book is in 
its portrayal of contemporary Spanish society as met in going to and from 
the archives. As a prelude to revolution or a study of the current revolution, 
this work gives only a political skeleton; nor is it meant to give more, for 
the author deliberately and wisely refrains from partisanship and main- 
tains throughout a becoming historical objectivity. 

One may be surprised to read of a nun, an Ursuline Sister, engaged in 
the multiple contacts with such a world as she depicts, but this surprise 
will not survive an acquaintance with Sister Monica and her influence on a 
not small circle of feminine scholars and thinkers. Yet a reading of the 
book will do more to make this point than would a wordy eulogy. Her 
qualifications need not be stated beyond the fact of her scholarly standing 


and her four years of research lately spent in southern Europe, one in Rome 
and three in Spain where generous providence enabled her to complete her 
findings on the important fifth viceroy of Peru, Francisco de Toledo. 

The story is the search for complete knowledge and documentation on 
this great member of the Toledo family. The authoress takes us for a per- 
sonal tour of the famous archives, the Nacional in Madrid, that of the 
Indies in Seville, Simancas at Valladolid, £ind the lesser deposits connected 
with the smaller cities and the personal holdings of several families of 
distinction. In this, her work will offer a splendid guide to yoimger stu- 
dents, assisting them to work in the same archives as well as opening their 
minds to the possibilities lying hidden in the tremendous sources of old 

In the unique circles where this ntm is sheltered, and entertained, and 
introduced to all sides of Spanish life, there is a large cross-section of 
society in the peninsula. It is the type of cross-section obtained from a 
story told in the first person, replete with dialogue and personal narrative, 
free from speculation and learned essay on the profundities of sociology, 
but full of the concrete reality that underlies that sociology. 

There are a few minor faults in typography in the latter third of the 
book. There is no fault in taste, nor in elegance of style that makes the 
volume a delightful pilgrimage through the seats of historical treasures. 
And readers will wait with eagerness for the appearance of her account 
of the great viceroy who did so much to build the colonial system of Spain 
in America. 


Monseigneur de Laub6rivi&re. By Comte de Quinsonas. Paris, 1936. Pp. 
xvii + 205. 

This interesting biography of FranQois-Louis Pourroy de Laub^rivi^re, 
fifth Bishop of Quebec, was written by one of his great-grandnephews. The 
first Bishop was the renowned FranQOis de Laval, who was succeeded by 
Jean de Saint- Vallier. But the Church in New France was unfortunate with 
the following three appointees to the episcopal see. De Momay, a Capuchin, 
the third Bishop of Quebec, "seemed as much attached to his diocese as he 
was determined never to go there," and it is known that his inclination to 
remain in France ultimately prevailed over the other sentiment, for he 
resigned rather than depart for his see. The fourth Bishop of Quebec, 
Dosquet, made the trip to Canada, stayed fifteen months, and then returned 
to France, where, because he refused to go back to his see, the government 
officials in Paris forced him to resign. 

Monseigneur de Laub6rivi6re was bom in 1711 and was consecrated 
bishop at the age of twenty-eight years. With youth and zeal urging him, 
he had no inhibitions with regard to New France, rather he viewed his see 
as an opportunity for apostolic labor. Shortly after his consecration he 
embarked for Canada on the Rubis. The ship had sailed past Newfoundland, 
when an epidemic of typhoid fever broke out among passengers and crew. 
For more than a month the disease raged; a score of people died at sea, 
and more than one himdred were stricken when the Rubis finally reached 
Quebec. The bishop refused to leave the ship imtil August 8, because he 
was "persuaded that his duty was to remain where danger was." Four 


days later he became ill, and twelve days after he had landed he was dead, a 
victim of his devotion to duty, a martyr of charity. What the rule of this 
type of prelate would have been must necessarily remain in the realm of 
conjecture, but several traits of his character augured well for a bright 
future. His contemporaries knew the youthful bishop as a humble, laborious 
priest, totally without human ambition for preferment, as seeking to do 
good and even willing to do everything in his power to conciliate all. 

The author has brought about a happy blending of the findings of 
Canadian historians, and has made use of public documents for the period 
and of private papers from the archives of Merieu. The latter materials, to 
quote His Eminence Alfred Cardinal Baudrillart, who wrote the preface, 
"are precisely what constitutes the charm and the value" of this biography. 
Among the private documents cited are thirty-three letters of de Lau- 
berividre, written before his consecration to his father and mother. Other 
documents in the archives of Merieu Castle are reproduced in full in the 
appendix as pidces justificatives. 

Jean Delanglez 

The Church Founders of the Northwest : Loras, Cretin and Other Captains 
of Christ. By M. M. Hoffman. Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Company, 
1937. Pp. xii + 387. $3. 

Organized Catholicism in the United States may be an imposing thing 
to look upon today, but it ought to be a part of the education of every 
Catholic to be brought to realize the tremendous price that was paid for it. 
It is the merit of the volume under review that this price, in the way of 
tireless energy and zeal and almost incredible physical hardships on the 
part of clerical pioneers and of generous co-operation on the part of the 
laity, is set before the reader with a vividness of detail that one will hardly 
find paralleled in any other account of similar scope. Also, one comes to 
learn here the part which European economic aid played in setting nascent 
American Catholicism on its feet. The abundant subsidies that flowed into 
Iowa and Minnesota in frontier days from the three great missionary aid 
societies of Lyons, Vienna, and Munich made possible the building in those 
commonwealths of churches and schools which could not have been built 
with the aid alone of the poverty-stricken diocesans of the day. 

The story here told of Catholic beginnings in the Northwest gathers 
in the main around two ecclesiastical figures of compelling interest, Mathias 
Loras and Joseph Cretin, first bishops respectively of Dubuque and St. 
Paul. The historic contribution made by France to the upbuilding of the 
Church in America is nowhere exemplified with greater emphasis than in 
the careers of these two admirable prelates. Loras, of aristocratic stock, 
lost his father in the guillotining madness that swept over France in the 
days of the Terror. Cretin, of bourgeois origin, first exercised the ministry 
as vicar and later as pastor of Fernay, the Swiss hamlet that was for long 
the home of Voltaire and the active center of his vicious propaganda. 
Drawn by providential turns to the trans-Mississippi West, they there gave 
themselves, with a devotion that was as single-minded as it was heroic, 
to the apostolic tasks clamoring on every side to be discharged. What they 
endured, and that with never-failing equanimity and patience, in bodily 
want and privation of every sort, whether in meager food or wretched 


housing or painful journeyings, as they went about on their ministerial 
rounds, is testimony, if any was needed, to the liveliness of faith and fullness 
of charity that inspired their memorable activities. Nor are their names 
the only ones of appeal that enter into the story. Associated with them in 
their great apostolate were priestly laborers the persistent memory of 
whom spells missionary zeal and enterprise at their best, among them, 
Mazzuchelli, Galtier, Ravoux, Belcourt. 

It is the recital of the activities in the ministry of prelates and priests 
of so splendid a tjrpe that Father Hoffman has undertaken in this scholarly 
and well-written volume. The documentation is of a high order. A con- 
siderable quantity of unpublished correspondence and other documentary 
material, chiefly from the archdiocesan archives of Dubuque, has been put 
to account. Personalities and issues are dealt with honestly and critically 
and there is no tendency to drop into empty and meaningless panegyric. Sir 
Sidney Lee thought the essence of biography to be in the "truthful trans- 
mission of personality." Surely the personalities of Loras and Cretin are 
brought before us in these pages with effective realism. 

As might be expected in view of the great amount of archival material 
the author was privileged to utilize, new and revealing light is thrown by 
him on numerous comers in the pioneer ecclesiastical history of the North- 
west. The rather enigmatic relations between Bishop Loras and the Do- 
minican, Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, the friction that developed between 
the ardent prelate and many of his clergy, the opposition he had to contend 
with from certain groups among the laity, — all is told with candor and 
adherence to the facts. One remarkable circumstance to the credit of Loras 
is told with convincing detail (p. 352 et seq.). He was, it would appear, the 
originator of the idea of attracting the newly arriving Catholic immigrants 
from Europe to the prairie states of the Northwest, an idea which un- 
fortunately was discouraged in the East to the no small permanent injury 
to the Church beyond the Mississippi. 

All in all. Father Hoffman has made a notable contribution to the 

written history of the Catholic Church in the United States. The book will 

be read for the wealth of information and edification, not to say sheer 

enjoyment, to be found within its covers. 

Gilbert J, Garraghan 


Catherine M. McShane, M. A., writes from the San Francisco 
College for Women, San Francisco, California. 

Arthur J. O'Dea, LL. D., is an attomey-at-law of Hackensack, 
New Jersey. 

Gilbert J. Garraghan, S, J., Ph. D., Research Professor of His- 
tory at Loyola University, is known for his many contributions 
to the historiography of the Middle West. 

Thomas F. O'Connor, M. A., is now a member of the Depart- 
ment of History of St. Micha^Vs College, Winooski Park, Ver- 

J. Manuel Espinosa, Ph. D., is a member of the Department 
of History of St. Louis University, St. Louis, Missouri. 


JLrT Tnivebsitf 

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An Historical Review^ 

APRIL, 1938 



THE CHRONICLE OF PfiREZ DE RIB AS . Jerome V. Jacobsen 81 


FOUNDER Edward R. Vollmar 96 


Thomas F. O'Connor 103 


LOS RIOS Reginald C. Reindorf 107 



SCHULTZ AND Craine, Financial Development of the United States; 
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Published quarterly by Loyola University (The Institute of Jesuit History) 
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An Historical Review 

APRIL, 1938 


The Chronicle of Perez de Ribas 

About five years ago while working on the history of the 
Jesuits in New Spain, the writer had frequent occasion to refer 
particularly to the pages of Father Francisco Javier Alegre's 
chronological account, Historia de la Campania de Jesus en 
Nueva Espana.^ Alegre at times cited Padre Andres Perez de 
Ribas as his authority for statements. This was not startling in 
view of the prolific writing of Andres Perez, who had published 
his Historia de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fee in Madrid 
in 1645, and had prepared a manuscript history of Sinaloa.^ But 
a closer inspection of the references revealed that Alegre was 
making a distinction between these works and another manu- 
script of Ribas.^ Definite statements regarding the existence of 
the manuscript chronicle were made after the time of Alegre by 
other historians.* A search for the original was carried on in 
California and Mexico, and quite by chance the discovery was 
made that the manuscript had been printed and bound in a pri- 
vate edition at the Jesuit Press of the Sacrea Heart of Jesus in 
Mexico City in 1896 under its original title, Coronica y Historia 

1 Alegre's three volumes were published in Mexico in 1841 and 1842. 
He was chronicling the year 1763, when his writing stopped with an unfin- 
ished sentence. He was exiled in June, 1767, with the other Jesuits and went 
to Italy, but later returned to his native Mexico for pastoral work as a 
diocesan priest in Puebla. 

2 Peter M. Dunne, "The Literature of the Jesuits of New Spain," The 
Catholic Historical Review, XX (October, 1934), 254. 

3 Alegre, II, 109, 152. 

4 Jos6 Mariano Beristain y Souza, Biblioteca Hispano- Americana Sep- 
tentrional, Mexico, 1821, III, 28-29; Hubert H. Bancroft, History of the 
North Mexican States and Texas, San Francisco, 1886, I, 236, does not 
mention the title of the chronicle history; Carlos Sommervogel, Biblio- 
theque de la Campagnie de Jesus, Paris, 1895, VI, 526, mentions it as de- 
fective and in the possession of Dr. Jos6 Maria de Agreda y Sdnchez of 
Mexico; Antonio Astrain, Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Asistencia 
de Espana, Madrid, 1913, IV, describes the printed work, but says it was 
from the only existing defective manuscript; Mariano Cuevas, Historia de 
la Iglesia en Mexico, El Paso, Texas, 1928, in Volumes II and III, cites the 
work passim. 



de la Provincia de la Compania de Jesus de Mexico en Nueva 

From the few words of introduction in the printed volumes, 
however, it is clear that the printing was made from a transcript 
of the original manuscript, made by different copyists. This copy 
had been the property of Father Pichardo of the Oratory of St. 
Philip Neri in Mexico City, but at the time of publication it was 
owned by a lady who graciously turned it over to the anonymous 
editor. The editor, probably a Jesuit, encountered no end of 
trouble in his work. His tribulations revolved around words 
omitted by the copyists, truncated Latin texts from Scripture, 
and an anarchy of punctuation, capitalization, and paragraphing. 
His task was excellently achieved, and although the type em- 
ployed was not the best, he could rest satisfied that a monu- 
mental writing had been preserved. Little did he suspect that the 
entire manuscript was in existence. His lament was expressed 
over the omission by the copyists of certain chapters of the 
original, but because the table of contents was intact, he was 
able to indicate the missing parts by asterisks in the published 

The discovery of the printed Coronica was quite a boon, yet 
there remained annoying questions. Where is the original? 
Where are the missing parts ? Are there other copies ? The happy 
solution of the problem was revealed when the Newberry Library 
published A Check List of Manuscripts in the Edward E. Ayer 
Collection.^ The manuscript in the vaults, listed as number 1196, 
is a copy of the Ribas Coronica, and this copy was taken from 
the original, to all appearances, which is in the Library of Con- 
gress.*' Thus ends a long search. 

A likely reason why the original manuscript was deemed 
sufficiently valuable for acquisition by the Library of Congress 
is amply set forth in a descriptive letter of recommendation, 
which, as it will in all probability never be printed elsewhere, is 
hereafter presented, not for the purpose of exposing the amusing 
and inaccurate account of the position of the Jesuits in relation 
to the Spanish government, but rather to show the sincerity and 
enthusiasm exhibited by a manuscript copyist for a great docu- 

5 Compiled by Ruth Lapham Butler, Chicago, 1937. 

6 Handbook of Manuscripts in the Library of Congress, Washington, 
1918, 261, lists the Cor6nica under Transcripts, and mentions in the follow- 
ing item a Force transcript of the same. Reason for terming the Library 
of Congress manuscript the original will appear at the end of this article. 


mentary find. The writer, as will be explained later, was a certain 
L. F. Tasistro. 

In the whole range of historical information whether published or in 
manuscript, it is doubtful whether a more deeply interesting or a more 
intensely valuable work can be found than this extraordinary narrative 
of the first introduction of Jesuitical Colleges on this Continent and the 
wonderful influence they exercised in imparting to the popular mind of 
New Spain that aversion for free institutions which renders their repub- 
lican system so defective and imperfect even to the present day. It is not 
only, what it ostensibly professes to be a religious history of the Company 
of Jesus, from the first landing of the primitive Fathers in Vera Cruz in 
1572, down to the time when their influence had extended over every inch 
of Spanish territory including all the islands of the Pacific, but it is bona 
fide the history of the Spanish colonization of Mexico, and throws more 
light on the early systems of Legislation in that country and the various 
processes by which the aborigines of the soil were finally argued into sub- 
mission, than any of the published accounts with which the art of printing 
has made us acquainted. For although New Spain was settled 50 years 
before the foundation of the Society of Jesus by Loyola, yet the mind of 
the colonists never received any salutary or progressive impulses until the 
emissaries of the Sacred College at Rome had preached their fascinating 
doctrine among them and set the spring of popular instruction in motion. 
From these Chronicles which are extremely well written and admirably 
well preserved, and which contain besides the historical matter many ex- 
quisite biographies of the most learned and most useful men of that period, 
we learn all that is most important for us to know in regard to the pecu- 
liar agencies that were employed in keeping the element of political ameli- 
orations within specified bounds. Anticipating no doubt, that the isolated 
position of these colonies would naturally lead men to speculate freely on 
the destinies of the human races, the Government of Spain thought it 
advisable to apply preservative remedies at once and in order to accomplish 
that object, it not only sought to enlist the energies of those splendid 
religious enthusiasts, who had astounded the Christian world by their 
piety, devotion, and learning, but actually placed the affairs of government 
almost entirely under their control by the bestowal of the most extravagant 
privileges, so that in very short time they became de facto the supreme 
rulers of the land. The national education was entrusted to their care, and 
this authority was acknowledged by both the Statesmen and the Military 
leaders as the fountainhead from which all laws and enactments must 
emanate. Among the most important facts to be gathered by a careful 
perusal of these Chronicles is the ingenuity with which the fathers of the 
Church managed on all occasions in their writing, in the pulpit, and in the 
school-room to pervert the sense of certain scriptural passages when their 
object was to produce testamentary evidence against the monstrous idea 
of self-government, which they represented as antagonistical of Christian 
faith and criminally at variance with the obligations of religious and moral 
law. As their colleges sprung up like enchanted palaces in every province 
of New Spain, these pernicious doctrines spread like pestilence all over the 
land until the popular mind became unfit for the reception of liberal ideas 


and the cultivation of elevated sentiments. What is of no less importance 
in this work, is the perfect truthfulness of spirit in which every part of it 
was evidently [written] and the reliable nature of its details. Never hav- 
ing been intended for publication, or even for the gaze of vulgar eyes, the 
authors [sic] wrote without restraint and without reservation and omitted 
nothing that could in any way elucidate the history of this order [word 
obscure] the extraordinary and eventful career in Mexico. As a work 
which may be of immense importance to the Government of the United 
States here, as containing ample material for a philosophical history, and 
being diversified with grafic description of every province of Mexico, at the 
period preceding the arrival of the Jesuits at each point, it is respectfully 
submitted that a translation of the same be secured or at least that a copy 
of the original be taken. 

The statement that the work was never intended for publi- 
cation is, like others in the recommendation, erroneous, for Fa- 
ther Andres Perez explains in his Prologue how he was com- 
manded under holy obedience to write the history for publica- 
tion. He has the usual Protesta of authors regarding his use of 
the terms holy and martyr, a Prologue, a dedication, and a de- 
scription of his authorities, all preludes to publication. Other 
conclusive proofs of his intention will be forthcoming in the 
course of this account. What became of the document after the 
death of the author in 1655, how it got out of the Jesuit house 
or archive, and why it remained unpublished for upwards of 
two hundred and forty years, are difficult questions. 

A brief description of this frequently discovered manuscript 
and a comparison of its contents with those of the printed work 
will reveal its importance. There are 755 leaves in the original 
manuscript, 1999 pages foolscap in the copy, and 988 pages in 
the printed work. All three are divided at the same place into 
two volumes. Each volume is divided into books, five in the first 
volume and six in the second. The books are divided into chapters 
of varying numbers, twelve the smallest number and thirty- 
seven the largest. The chapters total 284 ; of these 49 out of 134 
of the first volume are not in the printed work, and 8 out of 150 
of the second volume are omitted. These 57 missing chapters 
are in the Washington manuscript and Newberry copy. Here and 
there the printed work lacks paragraphs or pages, but it is pleas- 
ing to note for the information of those who may use the Coro- 
nica, that the chapters, indicated by the asterisks as missing, are 
intact and available in manuscript, and that what is printed fol- 
lows the manuscripts closely. The manuscript pages in some few 
places are corrected, although rarely to such an extent as to 
cause despair of choosing the author's meaning. Another point 


of value in the manuscript is the marginal notation of dates, 
omitted by the printer, and indications of sources wherefrom 
materials were drawn. Moreover, it contains the interesting Pro- 
logue and dedication, and in the last part continues the history 
of the northern missions to 1644, ten years beyond the point 
reached in the Historia de los Triumphos. 

The Prologue is divided into four parts. The first part an- 
nounces the object and material of the history, and is stated 
in far briefer terms in the title page, although it must be said 
in all fairness that the full name of the work on the title page 
resembles in its turn a prologue. The second part reveals what 
end and motive the venerable historian had in writing the his- 
tory, which was to prevent the story of the marvelous works of 
his predecessors from falling into oblivion and to show gratitude 
to God for the bounty received at His hand. The third part is an 
account of the authorities and original sources from which Ribas 
drew his materials ; it illuminates somewhat the historical meth- 
ods of his time, and stamps the author as a man with true his- 
torical instincts, even if a reader might not conclude as much 
from his book. He explored the various house and provincial 
archives of the Jesuits, verified and checked statements of letter 
writers and "old timers" against the Cartas Annuas, and gath- 
ered background materials from preceding historians and from 
diocesan repositories. His protestation of truthfulness, backed 
as it is by his fine character, suffice in a way for the regrettable 
lack of footnote citation. Again, he was a contemporary of many 
of the events he records and an eyewitness of not a few happen- 
ings between 1602 and 1654. The last part of the Prologue gives 
the disposition and order of the materials. 

Andres Perez de Ribas, or Rivas, is perhaps sufficiently well 
known to students of the history of the early advance of the 
Spanish colonial empire up the Pacific Slope of North America. 
Certainly he was so familiar an authority to historians of Pacific 
Coast history and early seventeenth century mission and frontier 
history as to be a byword, so familiar that no one has written 
his eventful biography. His Triumphs of Our Holy Faith gives 
an account of his labors only for a portion of his life. He was 
born in Cordova, Andalucia, Spain, in 1576, and apparently at 
an early age began his studies for the priesthood. He was al- 
ready ordained at the age of twenty-six years, but did not serve 
long in his diocese, for in 1602 he gained admission to the So- 
ciety of Jesus. The authorities cited above are almost unanimous 


in regard to the time of his arrival in America, namely 1602, 
and the beginning of his novitiate. Yet, Alegre in his pages 
covering the activities of the Jesuits for the years 1599 and 
1600 mentions Andres Perez as having residence at the College 
of Espiritu Santo in Puebla." This large establishment of the 
Jesuits was a college for secular students, with rooms set apart 
for novices and tertians of the Society. According to Alegre the 
fathers were accustomed to sally forth into the surrounding 
country to instruct the Indians of the villages; Andres Perez 
was one so engaged on these expeditions and laying the founda- 
tions of his later apostolic career. 

So clear to his superiors were the manifestations of his apti- 
tude for missionary work and organization that he was marked 
for a great mission. Occasion for sending Andres Perez soon pre- 
sented itself. There were floods and difficulties in the land of the 
Sinaloas.^ The military guardian of the frontier territory, the 
captain at the Presidio of San Felipe, was bandy-legged Don 
Diego Martinez de Hurdaide.^ With the Jesuit mission under 
Martin Perez partly in ruins and with the Indians scattering to 
the dryer places in the mountains, his work of organizing the 
outpost was endangered. He consulted with the Viceroy Montes- 
claros and with the Jesuit Provincial, asking for two additional 
missionaries. Cristobal de Villalta and Andres Perez de Ribas 
returned with him at the beginning of 1604. The long journey 
of three hundred leagues from Mexico City northwest to the 
infidel lands was made under circumstances which demanded 
courage of body and soul, and as the years passed, Ribas and 
his fellow workers exhibited a courageous optimism for the land 
and people that is beyond our comprehension. 

On their arrival in Sinaloa the captain and missionaries were 
greeted by delegations of the Sinaloas, Tehuecos, Suaquis, and 
Ahomes, petitioning for resident fathers for their villages. The 
superior called the missionaries together for appointments, and 
Ribas was assigned to the Suaquis and the neighboring 

" Alegre, I, 376. Alegre apologizes, however, at this point for the lack 
of names and dates in the manuscript Cartas Annuas and papers he was 
utilizing. See notes 10 and 12 infra. But Alegre, himself may be taken to 
task for this same defect, and especially for forgetting to mention anything 
about the last days and death of Ribas. 

8 Alegre, I, 424-427, tells the story more briefly than does Ribas in his 
Historia de los Trmmphos. 

9 Herbert E. Bolton, Riin of Christendom, New York, 1936, 14-23, gives 
a fine description captioned "Northward the Course of Empire," see espe- 
cially pages 16-17. Bancroft, North Mexican States, I, Chapter IX, treats 
the period 1600-1650. 


Ahomes. For sixteen years he centered his activities at Ahome, 
living the life of a zealous missionary and later writing the his- 
tory of these years of evangelization into his History of the Tri- 
umphs of Our Holy Faith and manuscript History of Sinaloa. In 
spite of floods, Indian uprisings, martyrdoms of other Jesuits 
across the mountains, and the obstinacy of the forlorn land, un- 
der the protection of Hurdaile, Ribas and his companions carried 
discipline, Christianity, and a civilized mode of living one step 
deeper into the barbarian world, and this during the time when 
Jamestown was assuming definite form as a base for English 
colonization and Quebec was being established as the firm French 

Father Andres journeyed to Mexico City several times. Early 
in 1612 he returned in order to pronounce his solemn vows and 
thus to become a professed father. ^^ In September, 1616, he 
passed through the Tepehuan country shortly before the great 
rebellion of that year, on his way to see the viceroy about li- 
censes for instructing the Yaquis.^^ The third time was at the 
end of the year 1619, when he was relieved of missionary 
burdens. ^^ 

As in the case of three other outstanding missionaries before 
his time, the arduous apostolic life brought to the attention of 
the Jesuit superiors Ribas' qualities as an administrator and 
director. Because of his ability he was ultimately to become a 
provincial, one of the twelve missionary provincials of the Prov- 
ince of New Spain. In their ranks was Father Nicolas Arnaya, 
reputedly deemed worthy of a number of voles for the office of 
General of the Society." But since Ribas' appointments to higher 

10 A letter of the General of the Jesuits, Claude Aquaviva, in the Mex- 
ican Province Archives, dated Rome, June 23, 1609, to the visitor, Rogrigo 
de Cabredo, states that Father Andres Perez is to be given the profession 
of four vows after he has been in the Company ten years. In the preface 
to the printed Coronica, the anonymous editor says he made his profession 
on June 21, 1612. He errs in saying that this act was the beginning of 
Ribas' missionary life. Alegre, I, 82, tells how Ribas went to Mexico, but 
mentions no profession. If the orders regarding the time set for his pro- 
fession, as given in the general's letter cited above, were followed, Ribas 
entered the Society in 1602. 

11 Alegre, II, 92. 

12 Ihid., II, 123. The date generally given for the completion of Ribas' 
term in the Yaqui country is 1620. His term ended as superior in 1619 with 
the appointment of Father Villalta as superior. Ribas wrote a brief, edify- 
ing biographical sketch of Villalta in his Coronica, Vol. II, Bk. VI, Ch. 
XXV. The latter, like Ribas apparently, was ordained just prior to his 
embarkation with twenty-two other Jesuits for America in 1602. 

13 Gerardo Decorme, S. J., La Obra de Los Jesuitas en Mexico durante 
la fipoca Colonial, (1930) ms., 359. 


offices in Mexico City did not take place for some years after 
1620, there is reason to suppose that he was recalled from Si- 
naloa at the relatively early age of forty-four for other causes. 
These could not be his want of humility, tact, judgment, integ- 
rity, zeal, or obedience. His health, most likely, had much to do 
with the change, for in a letter of 1622 from the General, Andres 
Perez is listed with other fathers who are to be permitted the 
use of chocolate in the absence of medicines for their illnesses.^* 
And as chocolate was a potion frowned upon by the superiors 
for years past, it may be supposed that some urgent need got 
Father Ribas the concession to partake of its medicinal proper- 
ties. Its effects presumably were beneficial. 

If the Triumphos cover the life of Ribas to 1620, the Coronica 
describes his interests during the ensuing thirty-five years. He 
was designated socius, or secretary, to the Provincial, Juan 
Laurencio, in 1623,^^ and was acting as such during a visitation 
of all houses and colleges of the Jesuits in 1624.^^ At that time 
the Viceroy Marques de Gelves and the Metropolitan Juan Perez 
de la Serna were having their notorious tiff in Mexico City. Ribas 
may well have been socius to the succeeding provincial. During 
these and the several following years there is no ready evidence 
to show that he was rector at any of the Jesuit houses, and hence 
he probably utilized the time, over and above what was required 
for his office, in composing his many manuscript pages and in 
performing the pastoral work for which the Professed House 
was noted. In 1631 no official title or position appears after his 

Ribas was rector of the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San 

14 Letter of Mutius Vitelleschi to Augustin de Quiros, Visitador, Rome, 
August 8, 1622. That Father Andres needed the chocolate as a remedy and 
not as a luxury may be deduced from another letter of the same General 
to Juan Laurencio, Provincial, March 16, 1625, in which the spirit of re- 
ligious mortification of Father Andres is commended. The letters of the 
Generals cited in these pages and the Acts of the Congregations are all in 
manuscript in the Mexican Province Archives of the Jesuit house at Ysleta, 

15 Decorme, La Obra, 66. Beristain y Souza, III, 28, has Ribas rector 
of the Colegio Maximo after his missionary work. 

16 Alegre, 11, 152. Father Laurencio is the same who in 1609 went as 
chaplain with the army that was sent out to rid the country of the in- 
surgent Cimarrons, who had turned highwaymen and were the terrors of 
the road between Mexico and Vera Cruz. Ibid., II, 10. Ribas gives his life, 
Vol. II, Bk. VI, Ch. XXV. 

17 Acta Congregationis, November, 1631, ms. Mexican Province Ar- 
chives, lists him without comment as participating in the provincial con- 
gregation, the thirty-first in seniority of the forty oldest professed in the 
province; the rectors of the Colegio Mdximo and of the Casa Profesa are 


Pablo during 1635, at which time some new construction work 
was inaugurated at the college.^® This rectorship was a very im- 
portant position, because the college, founded sixty years earlier 
by the first Jesuits to arrive in New Spain, was the center of all 
Jesuit educational activity in the widespread province. The arts 
course then in vogue in similar institutions all over Europe was 
offered, and the humanities, philosophy, and theology were given 
for the Jesuit students who were there in training. According 
to the records Ribas was still presiding over the destinies of the 
large college in 1637.^^ As his incumbency drew to a close an in- 
cident, unique in the annals of Jesuit history, cropped up. The 
story revolves around a plethora of provincials, Ribas among 
them, and the mystification of his companions in Mexico and the 
General at Rome regarding the superiorship. 

In the provincial congregation of 1631, Father Florian de 
Ayerve, former Provincial in New Granada, was elected procura- 
tor. He set out for Rome bearing the petitions of the Mexican 
province Jesuits to the General, one being a repetition of the 
request that no provincial or rector should hold office for more 
than three years.^° The request was granted, and Ayerve returned 
with the patent of provincial for himself, and with a letter for 
Father Luis Bonifaz, a missionary of old, and rector of the Casa 
Profesa. Ayerve's term, beginning in 1632, would in view of the 
decision be completed in 1635. To the surprise of all concerned, 
no new appointee appeared on the scene in 1635 nor in 1636, and 
Ayerve continued in office.^^ Evidently, the General, getting let- 
ters from Ayerve, was mystified, and wrote asking why Father 
Luis Bonifaz had not taken over his duties.^^ A revelation was 
made. Ayerve had not delivered the letter of appointment to 
Bonifaz.^^ He justified his action with an explanation of the 

18 Alegre, II, 202. The present writer made a detailed study of this 
college, which is incorporated in a work soon to be published on the edu- 
cational institutions of the Jesuits in New Spain. 

19 Letter of Mutius Vitelleschi to Floriano de Ayerve, October 30, 1637, 
and Acta Congregationis, November, 1637, both name him as such. 

20 Ibid. 

21 Alegre, II, 205. The binder of the copy of Alegre at hand got the 
pages confused so that p. 205 follows p. 220. 

22 The letters of Vitelleschi continue to be addressed to Ayerve until 

23 Alegre, n, 205-206, has a different version, which is incorrect accord- 
ing to Decorme, La Obra, 354-356; the latter had access to materials un- 
available to Alegre. Alegre's story is that Bonifaz received the appointment, 
but out of humility, kept it a secret until the end of 1636, actually intending 
to keep silence for another year and thus to serve his term of three years 
without anyone being the wiser. 


poor health of the old missionary and a general inability to gov- 
ern. Bonifaz then began to perform his duties in 1637, although 
the fact was unknown to the General, who wrote to Ayerve in 
October, 1637, appointing Father Andres Perez, Provincial.^* It 
seemed then that there were three provincials, Bonifaz who was 
so acting, Ayerve who was getting the letters, and Ribas whose 
appointment was unknown in Mexico. Nor did Ribas wish it to 
become known. In as much as his old friend Bonifaz had two 
years more in which to occupy a place held in much esteem, he 
did not wish to take it over.^^ In the predicament occasioned by 
two friends charitably bowing each other in and out of office, 
a provincial consultation was called, and according to its verdict 
Father Ribas was to have tenure from 1638 to 1641, and Father 
Bonifaz was to succeed him. So it was done.^^ 

Ribas was superior of approximately three hundred and 
eighty members of the Province of New Spain, who, over and 
above teaching and administering in the sixteen Jesuit colleges 
then in operation, were laboring in the missions and directing 
seminaries and parochial affairs. In June of 1641 he turned over 
the charge to Father Bonifaz," and went to live in his former 
abode as rector of the Colegio Maximo.^* In January of 1643 the 
provincial congregation again elected him procurator to the 
eighth General Congregation of the Society, and thus he went to 
Europe and became a participant in the convocation which chose 
Vincent Carrafa, General of the Order on January 7, 1646. ^^ En 
route to Rome, Ribas visited the Court of Madrid to take care 
of some affairs not related directly to the main purpose of his 
journey, but apparently having to do with some petitions from 
Oaxaca then before the Council of the Indies.^" While in Madrid 
he supervised the publication of his history of the missions of 

24 Vitelleschi to Ayerve, October 30, 1637. 

25 Alegre, II, 206. 

26 Decorme, La Obra, 356. Shortly after Ribas received his appointment 
to the provincialate, the provincial congregation elected him as procurator; 
much curiosity was aroused when he did not depart at the time appointed. 
Alegre, loc cit. Ayerve was severely reprimanded by the General; Letter 
of Vitelleschi to Ayerve, in Decorme, loc. cit. Bancroft, North Mexican 
States, I, 235, makes Ribas provincial in 1620. 

27 Vitelleschi to Juan de Bueras, Visitor, November 30, 1641, mentions 
this date for the change of office. 

28 Alegre, II, 231, says he became rector in February, 1641, at which 
time Bonifaz became provincial. See note above. 

29 Ribas, Coronica, Introduction. 

30 This business is referred to in a letter of the secretary of the General 
to Bueras, March 31, 1645. 


The new General evidently was pleased with the work, for 
on April 20, 1646, he dispatched a letter to Bueras expressing 
his desire for a history of the Province. The Provincial was told 
to entrust the writing to Andres Perez, who had given so much 
satisfaction and who was best qualified for the undertaking by 
reason of his life as a missionary and his long years of service 
as superior. Ribas was to be ordered to begin the work immedi- 
ately, and superiors of the province were to place at his disposal 
all facilities for its happy completion.^^ A brother was to be his 

Ribas returned to Mexico in September, 1648.='^ It is stated 
that in this year he became Preyositus, or rector, of the Casa 
Profesa, yet the General through this year and part of the next 
specifically mentions Father Calderon as holding this position. 
Ribas assumed the office sometime in 1649,^^ and remained in it 
until 1651.2* jjj ^jjjg year because of the dispute between Bishop 
Palafox and the Jesuits, vice-rectors and a vice-provincial were 
appointed, who held such titles until May of the following year. 
Ribas it may be supposed was hard at the work of composing 
his Coronica y Historia and gathering items for the many lives 
of illustrious Jesuits which ultimately were incorporated in his 
manuscript volumes. These same lives, written by order of the 
General, 2^ and the Palafox affair as described by Ribas, became 
great obstacles in 1655 to the printing of the Coronica. 

As nearly as can be ascertained, Ribas had completed the 
major part if not all of his composition in 1653, and, quite con- 
trary to the spirit of the regulations regarding publications, had 
let it get into the hands of other Jesuits for perusal. ■^'^ The regu- 
lation regarding revision and censorship demanded that books 
written for publication should first pass censorship, and that the 
author should be unknown to the revisors, and vice-versa.^'^ Pre- 
sumably, this procedure would have been impossible in the case 
of the well-knov/n historian, venerable now by reason of his 

31 The order was repeated by the next General, Goswin Nickel, to 
Andres de Rada, Provincial, in a letter dated June 30, 1651. 

32 Ribas, Coronica, Introduction. 
33Alegre, II, 352. 

34 Goswin Nickel to de Rada, June 30, 1651. 

35 Carrafa to Velasco, April 30, 1648. 

36 Goswin Nickel to the Provincial, January 30, 1654. Parts of the man- 
uscript were even being read in the refectory; the General ordered this 
stopped until the work was approved. 

37 Carrafa to Velasco, November 30, 1647; in this letter the Provincial 
was told to submit the manuscript, Aprecio de la Gloria, written by Andres 
P6rez, to revisors unknown to the author. 


seventy-seven years, and famed for his previous writings. A keen 
interest in the progress of his book was only natural, and knowl- 
edge of what he was doing must have been common in view of 
his visits to archives and interrogations of authorities. The book 
though unfinished was discussed on all sides, and ultimately by 
two sides, namely and as usual, by those who thought he had 
said too much and by those who thought he had not said 

The General had advices on the matter and was under the 
impression that Ribas did not have the entire truth of the Pala- 
fox incident, the narration of which constituted a substantial 
part of the history. Under the circumstances he did not wish to 
give the license for printing until further examination could be 
made, and his opinion was backed by the report of the revisors 
in Mexico.''^ In order to make the book as truthful as possible 
he wished it to be sent to Spain, where it would be revised by the 
Provincial of the Toledo Province. More instructions arrived 
later in 1655. The revised work was to be sent to the Toledo 
Provincial, who likewise would add his corrections and return 
the manuscript to the revisors in Mexico. When the errors would 
have been corrected full approval would be forthcoming.*" The 
manuscript made the journey and was returned to the colonial 
revisors.*^ But in the meantime Father Andres Perez rested in 
the Lord on March 26, 1655, at the age of seventy-nine. 

It would perhaps be wrong to say the results of Ribas' last 
labors were not published because of inaccuracies or because of 
lack of interest on the part of the final revisors in whose care 
the volumes had been placed. An excellent reason why the print- 
ing was not done might well have been the want of financial 
means, for the houses and colleges of the Company were bur- 
dened with debts, as the letters of the superiors reveal. After 
all, there were errors in his preceding Historia de los Triumphos, 
which did not militate against its publication.*^ Neither the dif- 
fuse style, nor disposition of materials, nor the inclusion of the 

3s Goswin Nickel to the Provincial, January 30, 1654. 

39 Goswin Nickel to the Provincial, January 24, 1655. 

40 Response of Goswin Nickel to petitions of the provincial congrega- 
tion, made October 9, 1655. 

41 Goswin Nickel to Juan Real, Provincial, January 30, 1656. The Gen- 
eral repeated the instructions regarding revision and censorship, and stated 
that as soon as the marked places were corrected license for publication 
was granted. 

42 Bancroft, op. cit., 235, mentions the errors, the clumsy plan, and 
diffuse style of the Triumphos. 


edifying lives and pious observations would have been bars in 
those times to printing the manuscript. No one would have quar- 
reled with the topographical approach employed, and in all prob- 
ability there would have been no objections to the descriptions 
of processions, solemnities, and marvelous happenings dotting 
the work.*^ In fact, even now some of those "exquisite biogra- 
phies," have real value and colorfulness. One, written with no 
eye at all to the magnificent array of historical facts which must 
have accumulated during such a span of years, records the vir- 
tues of Brother Pedro Nieto who passed on to his reward at the 
goodly age of one hundred and thirty-two years," 

Ribas was the first Jesuit to attempt a general history of 
the Province of New Spain, as he states. One other chronicle 
was begun in 1572 by Juan Sanchez, a scholastic among the first 
fathers to arrive in Mexico City, but this remains in manuscript, 
valuable though it is. After Ribas, Father Francisco de Florencia 
projected an elaborate set of volumes on the same theme, yet 
he succeeded in producing one volume of his Historia de la Pro- 
vincia de la Compania de Jesus en Nueva Espana^ in 1694.*^ Flo- 
rencia entered the Society of Jesus in 1642, when Ribas was 
rector at the Colegio Maximo, and in writing his work in the 
years preceding 1694, he utilized a manuscript Coronica. Alegre, 
the last to attempt a general history, having the manuscript at 
his disposal, at times cited and at other times took issue with 

Is the manuscript in the Library of Congress the original Ri- 
bas Coronica ? In seeking the answer to this question the writer 

43 Astrain, Historia, IV, xvii, has a curt criticism of the style and 

i-i Nieto was born in the Asturias. Inspired by the deeds of Cortes, he 
joined up with the militia of the Indies at an early age and sailed at a 
later time for Florida with Pedro Menendez. Afterwards he arrived in New 
Spain, came into contact with the Jesuit brothers working on a farm, and 
in spite of his 78 years was admitted to the Society. He made his novitiate 
and was sent to direct labor on the farm. After he had passed his one 
hundredth birthday, superiors thought he was getting old for such work. 
He was made porter at the Jesuit College of San Ildefonso. There he re- 
mained for the next thirty years, celebrated his golden jubilee as a Jesuit, 
and died some years later in 1637. His memory, vision, and hearing re- 
mained good until the end. Curious persons were wont to ask him when 
he was born, just to hear him answer: "In the year 200." Local investiga- 
tors, summing up remarks made occasionally about his voyages, set his 
birthday back to the year 1505. Ribas always found him happy when he 
visited the college. 

45 For a good account of this, see J. Manuel Espinosa, "Francisco de 
Florencia, S. J., 1619-1695: Our First Native-Born Priest," in The Historical 
Bulletin, St. Louis University, XIII (May, 1935), 65. 


has become deeply indebted to Miss Stella R, Clemence for items 
of information which make possible some solution.*^ 

At least four, and possibly five manuscripts come under 
scrutiny: (1) The two-volume manuscript in folio in the Library 
of Congress; (2) A 160-page transcript of the first 39 folios of 
the above; (3) The complete transcript in the Newberry Li- 
brary; (4) The copy from which the printing of the Coronica 
was done in Mexico; (5) The manuscript from which the last 
named deficient copy was made. What happened apparently was 
this : L, F. Tasistro saw the first manuscript, recommended that 
it be copied, and was employed by Peter Force to make the tran- 
script.*" He finished 160 pages; Mr. Force then obtained the 
whole manuscript; both items, according to Miss Clemence, 
*Vere in the collections of Peter Force, whose extensive library 
was purchased by the Library of Congress in 1867." The third, 
in the Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library, was certified 
as a copy of the original manuscript in the Library of Congress 
by Dr. John C. Fitzpatrick on December 29, 1900.*® The fourth 
has been described in earlier pages as being in the possession of 
a lady in Mexico at the time the Coronica was printed ; obviously 
it was copied before 1896. The fifth is a possible original. Miss 
Clemence supplies the following data from the files of the Di- 
vision of Manuscripts 

furnished by Dr. Charles Warren Currier, Bishop of Matanza, who ex- 
amined our manuscript in 1910 and noted that a similar one was mentioned 
in Sommervogel, Bibliotheque, as being in the library of Dr. Sdnchez y 
Agreda of Mexico. He investigated the matter and furnished us with a copy 
of a letter written to him by Francisco Losa, who said that Sr. Don Jose 
Maria de Agreda y Sanchez was at that time sub-director of the National 
Library of Mexico and informed him that he "still owned the manuscript; 
that Father Gerste requested permission to copy it, but could not do it, 
on account of his departure for Europe," and that "some time after, Father 
Laureano Veres copied it on the recommendation of Father Gerste, and 

46 Miss Clemence is editor of the Spanish materials in the Division of 
Manuscripts. A letter of inquiry was addressed by the present writer to 
the acting chief of the Division, Dr. Thomas P. Martin, who asked Miss 
Clemence to investigate the matter and then kindly relayed her findings. 

47 Miss Clemence says this "was copied for Mr. Force by a certain L. F. 
Tasistro, according to two receipts for twenty dollars each, dated respec- 
tively, W^ashington, Dec. 26, 1849, and Feb. 2, 1850, which are bound in 
with the manuscript. There is also a loose double folio, in the hand of the 
copyist Tasistro. ... It begins Tn the whole range of historical . . .' and 
ends 'or at least that a copy of the original may be taken.' " 

48 Miss Clemence says : "Dr. Fitzpatrick tells me that the man who 
made the Newberry transcript was a Puerto Rican, whose name he cannot 
recall, but who was a careful and conscientious worker." 


that copy served for the edition given out by the Jesuits of Mexico in two 
volumes in 1896." 

Whether the printed Coronica was done from a copy made 
by Father Veres, or from one owned by a lady, as the editor 
explained,^^ makes little difference, for in either case the editor 
did not have some portions known to have been in the original. 
The point is that he would not in all probability have undertaken 
a large printing assignment and this from a deficient and dif- 
ficult manuscript, if a complete manuscript or transcript was 
known and available to him. Therefore, until the manuscript 
said to be in the possession of Dr. Agreda y Sanchez comes to 
light, there is nothing more to say on the subject. It may prove 
an original, on a par with that in the Library of Congress, since 
quite possibly two or more copies were made by the amanuenses 
in the time of Ribas for the convenience of the revisors. On the 
other hand, it may be a truncated copy, similar to the others 
just discussed. 

The elimination process leaves only the manuscript in the 
Library of Congress, Used by Florencia before 1694, by Alegre 
before 1767, and discovered in its present condition before 1849 
by Tasistro, it was bought as an ancient document by Mr. Force 
before 1867, and recognized as an original by Dr. Fitzpatrick in 
1900. To quote our recent informant, it "is in the original leather 
bindings and is on paper with an early seventeenth-century 
water-mark . . . , written in several hands. . . . There are but few 
corrections. . . . But in a few places . . . there are many and im- 
portant changes in the text. These sections with many text 
changes are all in the same hand, and in this same hand are writ- 
ten the second half of the title page . . . and many marginal 
notes. ..." This is in accord with what might be expected in 
view of the work of revisors, of the Provincial of the Toledo 
Province, of Ribas, and of the amanuenses. Furthermore, the 
style and content bear marks of contemporaneousness. It may 
be possible in the near future to get samples of Ribas' hand- 
writing in his later days for comparison with that in the manu- 
script and thus settle a number of minor details of textual 

Jerome V. Jacobsen 

49 Ribas, Coronica, Introduction. 

Donate Gasparri, Nc'w Mexico- 
Colorado Mission Founder 

The Mexican War, which ended in 1848, resulted in the trans- 
fer of a huge portion of the Spanish Southwest from Mexico to 
the United States. A great number of the people inhabiting the 
region were of the Catholic Faith, and consequently the affairs 
of religion had to be adjusted to the new regime. The episcopal 
leaders of the Church deemed it best to place the ecclesiastical 
administration under the American flag, and after due delibera- 
tion made an appeal to Rome. At the request of the Seventh 
Provincial Council of Baltimore, propaganda erected the Vicari- 
ate of New Mexico, and John Baptist Lamy was appointed first 
Vicar Apostolic of the area. He arrived in his headquarters in 
Santa Fe on August 8, 1851, and immediately set about organ- 
izing his vicariate. At first there was some difficulty with the 
Bishop of Durango, Mexico, to whose jurisdiction New Mexico 
had previously belonged, and with the local clergy concerning 
matters pertinent to the transfer of authority.^ The settlement 
was ultimately brought about by Bishop Lamy after a fifteen 
hundred mile journey to Durango. 

Father Joseph Projectus Machebeuf, later first Bishop of 
Denver, accompanied the Right Reverend Vicar Apostolic to 
New Mexico, and when Lamy became Bishop of the Diocese of 
Santa Fe in 1853, he served as his vicar general. Father Mache- 
beuf has left a vivid description of the conditions which the new 
Bishop had to face at the beginning of his incumbency. 

This is a country of ancient Catholicity, but, alas, hov/ times have 
changed! Instead of that piety and practical religion which marked the days 
of the Missions, we have now but the forms and the exterior of religion. The 
people are all very exact in their attendance at the church services, they 

1 When Durango was made a bishopric in 1620,, it included the territory 
of the present states of Durango, Chihuahua, Sonora, and New Mexico. The 
last named three had a mission status. Through the following centuries the 
Bishop of Durango claimed jurisdiction over New Mexico, though the Fran- 
ciscans were in charge. In the last years of the Spanish colonial rule, they 
were acting as parish priests, receiving some salary from the government, 
yet the Bishop of Durango had established his vicar in New Mexico. Under 
Mexican republican rule after 1821, there was a continued decline in mis- 
sionary and parochial activities. H. H. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 
San Francisco, 1889, 269-273, gives a number of source references and a 
dark picture of the religious life in New Mexico for the years 1750-1800, and 
later mentions the continued decline for the years 1800-1821, ibid., 306-307. 



observe all the feasts and keep up their confraternities and societies, but 
the reception of the sacraments is sadly neglected where it is not entirely 
abandoned. In a population of 70,000, including the converted Indians, there 
are but fifteen priests, and six of these are worn out by age and have no 
energy. The others have not a spark of zeal, and their lives are scandalous 
beyond description. It is plainly evident that Bishop Lamy will need to 
exercise the greatest prudence, as well as zeal and devotedness, in the gov- 
ernment of such a diocese. 

The people in general show the best dispositions. They have the docility 
of children towards the priest, and if the few remaining Mexican priests 
who have still the force of youth in them, were animated with any good 
intentions, it would be the easiest thing in the world to bring these people 
back to the practice of their religion. But, alas! the great obstacle to the 
good which the Bishop is disposed to do among them, does not come from 
the people but from the priests themselves, who do not want the Bishop, 
for they dread a reform in their morals, or a change in their selfish rela- 
tions with their parishioners. One of the great neglects of the priests of 
New Mexico is that they seldom or never preach. But how could such 
priests preach ?2 

There were two solutions to the Bishop's problem. He might 
either form a new native clergy, or he might go in search of 
missionaries. The first solution was impossible under the existing 
conditions in New Mexico. A few months after he arrived in 
Santa Fe he wrote to Father DeSmet at St. Louis asking him to 
send some Jesuits.^ But the Jesuits in St. Louis could not spare 
even one man. The Bishop, as is rather well known, succeeded in 
obtaining a number of secular priests from France, mostly from 
his home province of Auvergne. One of his greatest difficulties 
was the lack of schools. To solve this difficulty he opened a school 
for boys in his own house about 1852. The Sisters of Loretto 
came that same year to open a school for girls. They were fol- 
lowed a few years later by the Christian Brothers and the Sisters 
of Charity of Cincinnati. 

The priests from Auvergne were doing splendid work as pas- 
tors, and the religious were conducting schools for the children 
in a sufficiently satisfactory manner. But, as time went on and 
improvements continued under his vigilant eye, he became con- 
cerned with the progress of the superstructure of his diocese. 
The problems of the frontier were bound up with those of the 
beginnings of civic life. He was desirous of having if possible a 
group of religious who could conduct missions, administer par- 

2 W. J. Howlett, Life of the Right Reverend Joseph P. Maghebeuf, 
Pueblo, Colorado, 1908, 164-165. 

3 Letter of Father P. DeSmet, dated St. Louis University, February 6, 
1853, Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, Lyon, France, 1853, 322. 


ishes, found a college, and eventually open a seminary for the 
training of the local clergy. With such projects in mind he bent 
his efforts toward obtaining some Jesuits. He dispatched a letter 
to the Jesuit headquarters at Rome, asking that New Mexico 
be assigned as a mission area to some province of the Society 
of Jesus. He succeeded in obtaining a loan of two Jesuits from 
the California mission for a few months in 1864,* but they came 
with the understanding that they were to stay only for a short 
time. Finally, when in Rome in 1866, Bishop Lamy personally 
requested Father Peter Beckx, General of the Society of Jesus, 
to give him some missionaries.'^ 

The members of the Province of Naples, it so happened, had 
been driven into exile by Garibaldi in 1860, and were looking for 
a foreign mission. At first there was some hesitancy about ac- 
cepting a mission in the "wild and woolly west" of the United 
States, but when ordered to take over the work, Father Francis 
Ferrante, Provincial of the Neapolitan Province, immediately 
began looking for men capable of founding the new mission. 

Father Donato Maria Gasparri, who was preaching at Valen- 
cia, and Father Rafael Bianchi, professor of philosophy at 
Tortosa, Spain, were chosen for the task, along with two lay 
brothers, Prisco Caso and Rafael Vezza. In New York they were 
joined by Father Livio Vigilante, who had been teaching at Holy 
Cross College. Father Vigilante, the only member of the group 
who could speak English, had been appointed first superior. 
After an eventful trip across the plains they arrived in Santa Fe 
August 15, 1867.® On August 20, Fathers Gasparri and Bianchi 
with the two lay brothers arrived in Bernalillo to found the first 
Jesuit mission in New Mexico.'^ 

Despite the lack of laborers and the fact that the mission- 
aries were forced to learn two new languages and an entirely 
new mode of life, the work progressed. Men from noble families 
and the best schools of Italy came to join them and share the 
frijoles of the Mexican peon and the rough life of the mining 

4 Letter of Bishop Lamy, Santa Fe, August 25, 1866, in ibid., July, 1867. 

5 F. M. Troianek, Historia Societatis Jesu in Novo Mexico et Colorado, 
manuscript, n. d., 140 pages, in Regis College Archives, Denver, p. vii. This 
remarkable manuscript history was written in Latin by Father Troianek, 
S. J., who was bom in Irkutsk, Siberia, and became a member of the New 
Orleans Province of the Jesuits, which took over the Neapolitan missions 
as explained infra. He was known until his death as Father Troy. 

6 Father Gasparri's account of the journey was found in the archives 
of San Felipe Church, Old Albuquerque; it was translated and edited by 
Doctor Espinosa, and published in Mid- America, XX (January, 1938), 51-62. 

7 Troianek, 16-18. 


camp. Professors of philosophy and theology taught reading, 
writing, and arithmetic. Traveling by wagon, on horseback, and 
on foot these men carried the word of God from Old Mexico to 
Montana, to California, to the plains of Kansas, and into western 
Texas. Their Revista Cutolica, established and published regular- 
ly, filled the need of a Catholic press in the Southwest. The 
parochial schools and colleges of the Jesuits played a major part 
in Catholic education. Their mission and parish work formed a 
large portion of the life blood of the dioceses of Santa Fe, Tucson, 
and Denver. 

Father Gasparri was not the first superior of the New Mexico- 
Colorado Mission of the Neapolitan Province, but succeeded to 
that post after the return east of Father Vigilante. Nevertheless, 
it was Father Gasparri who was the true founder of the mission. 
He occupied the post of superior from 1868 until 1876, and until 
his death in 1882 he was looked upon as the leading spirit of the 

Donato Maria Gasparri was bom in Biccario, Italy, April 26, 
1834, and was educated in the College of Salerno, under the 
direction of the Society of Jesus. He entered the Society at the 
age of sixteen years. The usual course of studies was interrupted 
by Garibaldi in 1860, and he was forced to finish his theology at 
the College of Laval in France. From there he went to Manresa, 
Spain, to make his tertianship. The order to go to New Mexico 
found him acting in the capacity of preacher in Valencia. Bishop 
Lamy's first appointment for his new missioners was the conduct 
of missions throughout his diocese. To Father Gasparri, the 
most eloquent of the group, fell the task of giving the mission 
that ended the famous Taos schism.® 

Before they had left Europe, Fathers Gasparri and Bianchi 
had collected some money to establish a mission among the In- 
dians, but when they arrived in New Mexico they found that 
their work was to be among the Spanish speaking natives. What 
should they do with the money? Father Gasparri decided upon 
an attempt to open a mission among the Navajo. After over- 
coming many difficulties with the local authorities he was forced 
to abandon his plan because he could not obtain transportation.^ 
He did, however, attend a mission chapel for the Indians at the 
Pueblo of Sandia. He promptly gave it up when he found to his 
fear and sorrow that the Indians had been keeping a live rattle- 

8 Ihid., 27-28. 

9 Ihid., 32-36. 


snake under the altar for purposes of idolatrous veneration.^" 
Father Gasparri soon realized that if his small number of 
missionaries were to compete with the increasing number of 
Protestant ministers, he must obtain some new means of spread- 
ing their work more widely and effectively. He decided to estab- 
lish a Catholic press in New Mexico. With the help he received 
from Bishop Lamy and with the donations of some of the di- 
ocesan clergy he was able to bring to New Mexico the first power 
press to be set up there. In January the first issue of the Revista 
CatoUca made its appearance. It was to be a Spanish weekly 
containing news items, editorials, sermons, and "moral stories." 
Since 1875 the Revista CatoUca has never ceased to be a cham- 
pion of the Church in the Southwest. In addition to the Revista 
Catholica Gasparri's press has printed a number of books and 
pamphlets varying from grade school textbooks to a Spanish 
translation of the Bible. Father Gasparri was first editor of the 
review, and it v/as as such that he merited his nickname of "the 
Walking Encyclopedia." When the Neapolitan mission was dis- 
banded in 1919, members of the New Orleans Province continued 
the publication. 

One of the principal reasons Bishop Lamy had for obtaining 
Jesuits was the hope that they would open a college and seminary 
in New Mexico to train a native clergy. Father Gasparri's first 
attempt resulted in the dismal failure of Holy Family College, 
Albuquerque." Nothing daunted, he was one of the most enthu- 
siastic backers of those wishing a college at Las Vegas a few 
years later. This time he was successful. During the erection of 
the building at Las Vegas he was architect, contractor, brick- 
layer, and carpenter. 

His life was eventful in many ways. When "los Americanos" 
began to arrive in the Southwest it was Father Gasparri who 
rode from door to door warning the natives against the land 
sharks and helping those who would not heed his warning.^- One 
time he rode ninety miles across the prairies in an open buggy 
in order to prevent the marriage of a Catholic girl and a man 
who, he knew, already had a wife in the old country.^^ Sister 

10 "Bourke on the Southwest," New Mexico Historical Review, XI 
(1936), 267-268. 

11 This school was dignified by the name of a "collegium inchoatum," 
but the pupils never advanced beyond their a b c's and the school was turned 
over to the Sisters of Charity in 1885. 

12 Sister Blandina Segale, At the End of the Santa Fe 'Trail, Columbus, 
Ohio, 1932, 235. 

IS Ibid., 234. 


Blandina relates another incident that is typical of the means 
he would use to protect his flock : 

. . . Father Gasparri was notified that one of the girls of his parish 
had just been enticed into a house of questionable virtue. The moment he 
heard it, keeping on his soutane and biretta, he walked quickly to the 
house. The mistress answered the door. She was alarmed when she saw the 

priest at the door, and was frightened when he said: "I demand Miss , 

who has just been brought here!" 

A man stepped out to answer his demand. "I am the one who brought 
the girl here, because she wanted to come. If you make any more fuss about 
it, I'll shoot you." 

"You may shoot, but while I breathe I demand that innocent girl." 

Quickly the man drew out his revolver. Just as quickly the girl sprang 
between the priest and the man. 

"Black Gown, you win!" snarled the villain. i^ 

Fearless, untiring, a man of the hour. Father Gasparri con- 
tinued to write, preach, build. In 1880 he began the erection of a 
church for the English speaking Catholics in Albuquerque. In the 
fall of 1882 he was invited to preach for the feast of the Im- 
maculate Conception in Chihuahua, Mexico, but was unable to 
go. He suffered an apoplectic stroke a few days later and died 
December 18, 1882. During the time he was delirious prior to 
his death he gave the sermon he had planned to preach in the 
Cathedral in Chihuahua. At the time of his death he was only 
forty-eight years old. 

A Protestant, speaking of him after his death, said: "He 
soared above the best intellects; the peer of orators; the pro- 
tector of innocence; the father of all the distressed; one who 
made himself all to all."^^ "Let us begin, God will provide," was 
his motto through life. He saw the New Mexico-Colorado mission 
through its most trying years and left it firmly established. 

A rapid glance over the work of the mission will give some 
slight idea of the importance it played in the Southwest. The 
first Jesuit parish was Bernalillo, but this was abandoned for 
San Felipe, Old Albuquerque, in 1868. In 1871 the San Luis 
Valley in Southern Colorado was placed under the care of the 
mission, and the Jesuit church at Del Norte was the first church 
consecrated in Colorado (1899). Father Pinto, S. J., was the 
first priest in republican times to take up residence in Pueblo, 
Colorado, where he arrived in 1872. In 1875 the Jesuits were 
given Trinidad, with the whole of Las Animas county as their 

14 Ibid., 234-235. 
^5 Ibid., 252. 


parish. Father Guida founded Sacred Heart parish, Denver, in 
the fall of 1879. In 1883 the mission erected its first church in 
El Paso, Texas. In 1884 Father Schiffini began the erection of 
Immaculate Conception Church in East Las Vegas. The Jesuits 
conducted Las Vegas College, 1877-1888, and Sacred Heart Col- 
lege, Morrison, from 1884 to 1888. In 1888 these two schools 
were combined into Sacred Heart College, Denver (the present 
Regis College). The Catalogus Provinciae Napolitanae for 1919 
gives the following statistics regarding the New Mexico-Colorado 
mission. There were belonging to the mission : one bishop (Bishop 
Schuler of El Paso), seventy-six priests, forty-three scholastics, 
and thirty-eight brothers. In Albuquerque the Jesuits had four 
parishes; in the San Luis Valley two parishes; in Denver two 
parishes, and Sacred Heart College; in Pueblo, Colorado, three 
parishes; the parish of Trinidad which included all the mission 
stations in Las Animas County; in El Paso seven parishes; and 
residences in Socorro and Ysleta, Texas. 

The members of the mission had erected fourteen parochial 
and fifty mission churches. In giving missions they had visited 
every parish and mission station in Southern Colorado, New 
Mexico, Arizona, in most of Southern California, and the north- 
ern states of Mexico. Each year they gave an average of forty 
retreats or triduums for the spiritual betterment of the people. 

The New Mexico-Colorado mission was disbanded on August 
15, 1919, thus bringing to a close one of the most interesting and 
romantic chapters of Jesuit mission endeavor in the United 
States. No history of the entire mission has been written. Nor 
will it be an easy task to write one. Essential documents are 
scattered from El Paso to Denver and are written in five lan- 
guages. Then, too, the amount of work and the vast territory 
covered are enough to discourage any individual effort. The work 
of the late Fathers Troianek (Troy) of Albuquerque and Tom- 
masini of Denver has facilitated matters a little, but there re- 
mains much to be done. Like many missionaries of the early days, 
the fathers of the Neapolitan Province were too busy with pas- 
toral cares to write what would be welcome documents. 

Edward R. Vollmar 

William Hewlett, Pioneer Missionary 
and Historian 

II. Chaplain at Loretto and Historian 
A kind Providence directed Father Hewlett's last years in a 
manner singularly agreeable to the inclinations and talents of 
the veteran missionary. Born in New York State in 1847, he 
passed into manhood in pioneer Michigan, acquired his first les- 
sons in the clerical life in Kentucky, and devoted the most vig- 
orous years of his priesthood to the ministry in Colorado from 
1877 to 1915. His life was an active one, which witnessed and 
was a part of rapid and profound mutations in the economic and 
social milieu of the Rocky Mountain country. But his concern 
with the cares of the present did not render him indifferent to 
the accomplishments of other days. He lived beyond most of 
his generation, and his memory cherished much that others had 
failed to appreciate as likely to be of interest to posterity. He 
had a tender regard for the days that were passed and for the 
friends that had gone before. 

To one of such a temperament the Loretto Mother House 
possessed a very definite significance. The land whereon it is 
build was originally acquired for the service of religion by 
Father Stephen Theodore Badin, the first priest ordained in the 
United States, and one of the most colorful of frontier ecclesi- 
astics. Known as Saint Stephen's, it long served as the residence 
of Fathers Badin and Nerinckx. To it, in 1811, came Kentucky's 
pioneer bishop, Benedict Joseph Flaget. On the same grounds 
Bishop Flaget inaugurated the West's first ecclesiastical semi- 
nary for candidates for the secular priesthood. Less than a hun- 
dred yards from the chaplain's residence nestles the small brick 
cottage built by Father Badin to serve as a shelter for rest and 
meditation in the intervals between his missionary journeys. In 
the convent cemetery repose the remains of Father Nerinckx, of 
a number of the pioneer clergy of Kentucky, and of the founders 
and early members of the Loretto Society. Within a radius of a 
few miles are located many of the most venerable spots in the 
history of the Church in Kentucky — Holy Cross, Saint Charles, 
Saint Rose's, Saint Mary's, Gethsemani, Nazareth, Bardstown. 
Father Howlett was bound to Loretto by many ties, personal and 



spiritual. To spend what remained to him of strength and service 
in promoting the welfare of this pioneer American sisterhood he 
deemed a privilege. 

No one who knew Father Hewlett in his last years can doubt 
that he was happy to close his long and laborious life amid these 
surroundings. Until increasing infirmities compelled him to re- 
linquish many of his duties to an assistant, he entered actively 
and whole-heartedly into the life and activities of the Mother 
House. The aged religious, retired from active service, the 
novices, receiving their training in the religious life, and the 
members of the community, engaged in the manifold duties of 
government and direction, were equally the subjects of his solici- 
tude and his care. Long before death claimed him he had become 
a very real part of Loretto. His own life was characterized by 
genuine and persevering loyalties. His loyalty to Loretto — to its 
welfare and its traditions — will not readily be forgotten by those 
who came under his intelligent and sympathetic direction. It was 
singularly fitting that one of the last of our frontier missionaries 
should spend the last years of his life, 1913 until the dawn of 
1936, ministering to a religious community which has given so 
much to the promotion of religion on the American frontier. 

Father Hewlett's death marked the passing of almost the last 
of the line of kindred spirits who from the earliest days of mis- 
sionary activity in the western country became the recorders as 
well as the makers of history. His literary work was largely 
incidental to his more active ministry in behalf of souls. Most of 
it was carried on during hours snatched from more pressing 
labors. Moreover, while he had access, in the case of some of his 
projects, to large blocks of documentary material, he was rarely 
in a position to undertake the extended research for supple- 
mentary sources which would have further enriched his writings. 
Even in the case of his best known and perhaps most ambitious 
project, the Life and Times of the Right Reverend Joseph P. 
Macheheuf , D. D., he was not able to obtain access to existing 
material, much as it would have enhanced the value of the 

The greater part of Father Hewlett's historical studies are 
concerned with the history of Catholic life in Kentucky. And in 
this sector of American Catholic historiography future scholars 
will probably discern in his work characteristics of the older 
group of writers who gathered up the crumbs of Catholic history 
from the pioneers, and of the more recent authors who have 


brought to their work all the resources of modern critical scholar- 
ship. To the former group belong Kentucky's first permanent 
priests — Stephen Theodore Badin and Charles Nerinckx, Arch- 
bishop Martin John Spalding, and B. J. Webb. In the latter 
category must be placed Father Victor O'Daniel, Sister Columba 
Fox, and Sister Ramona Mattingly. 

An insight into the motives governing some of his Kentucky 
studies may be gained from what he relates in his "Recollections" 
concerning the circumstances attending the writing of his volume 
on Saint Thomas' Seminary. 

It was my first visit since my seminary days, and it was a saddening 
visit. The grounds were there, the church was there, the log residence of 
Bishop Flaget was there, but not a sign of the seminary buildings remained 
except the excavation where our basement refectory once was. The grounds 
were strewn with logs, the church was in bad repair, and the whole had a 
delapidated and neglected appearance. I wrote a letter on the condition of 
the place to the Record of Louisville and that letter did more than I antici- 
pated. It aroused the spirit of the priests of Kentucky to the importance 
of preserving the ancient landmarks of their faith, and refreshing the 
memory of the present generation to the glories of the past. . . . The re- 
sult was my book on the history of Saint Thomas' Seminary.i 

But Father Howlett did not profess to offer a definitive and 
detailed history of the pioneer institution. In his preface to the 
volume he writes: 

W^hile securing historical permanence to the course of the oldest 
Seminary in the West, my intention has been rather to give definite form 
to the many expressions of affection and reverence for the old Alma Mater 
and those connected with it, to embody the general feelings of all old St. 
Thomas' students and to indicate the reasons for the universal good will. 

To do this I have taken the more important incidents connected with 
the establishment of the Seminary, its internal working, and the special 
and lasting results that trace their causes to it. Minor matters of detail 
I have used to show the connection between the greater events and the 
unity of spirit and action that ran through the whole course of its existence. 

Father Howlett's Life of Rev. Charles Nerinckx- was under- 
taken at the request of the Sisters of Loretto. The story of their 
founder's life and labors had already been written by Father, 
afterwards Bishop, Camillus P. Maes, but this work had long 
been out of print. Bishop Maes' work, moreover, was cumbersome 
in construction and was open to very definite objections from an 
historical standpoint. Finally, the discovery of new and pertinent 

1 Historical Tribute to St. Thomas Seminary at Poplar Neck Near 
Bardstoivn, Kentucky, St. Louis, 1906. 

2 Life of Rev. Charles Nerinckx, Pioneer Missionary of Kentucky and 
Founder of the Sisters of Loretto, Techny, Illinois, 1915. 


source material made the preparation of a new life desirable. 
Father Hewlett began the preparation of this work soon after 
assuming the chaplaincy at Loretto and saw it through the press 
in 1915. 

But it was as the biographer of the Rt. Rev. Joseph P. Mache- 
beuf, first Bishop of Denver, that Father Hewlett's fame went 
furthest. Among the priest-historians of the Rocky Mountain 
country only Father J. Defouri and Archbishop John B. Sal- 
pointe preceded him in committing to print accounts of their 
pioneer co-workers in the ministry in these parts. Years before 
Father Howlett had advised Sister Philomena, the sister of 
Bishop Machebeuf , to preserve the bishop's letters to his family 
in France as sources for a possible future account of Colorado's 
first bishop. These letters constituted the chief documentary 
source for Father Hewlett's volume. 

It was while at Colorado City that I thought to devote my leisure time 
to writing. I had not forgotten what Bishop Machebeuf s sister had told me 
of his letters to her, and I thought I might use them to good purpose. A 
sketch of Bishop Machebeuf had been written after his death, but no at- 
tempt had been made to give anything like a full record of his busy life. I 
wrote to Sister Philomena and received from her copies of his entire cor- 
respondence with his family during the fifty years he had been in America. 

Such in a few words is the story of the inception of The Life 
of the Right Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf, D. Z),/ which en- 
tered so largely into the writing of Death Comes for the Arch- 
bishop.'^ It was gratifying to the venerable author in the last 
months of his life to learn of the new interest being taken in this 
work by scholars of the universities and historical societies of 
the West. 

After the publication of his account of Father Nerinckx, 
Father Hewlett's contributions to the history of the Church in 
the West took the form of shorter accounts of persons and in- 
stitutions. A number of these found publication in periodicals 
and historical reviews. 

Thomas F. O'Connor 

3 Life of the Right Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf, D. D., Pueblo, Colo- 
rado, 1908. 

4 See 'The Commonweal, November 23, 1927. 


The Founding of Missions at La Junta 

de los Rios 


The exposition of Don Juan Antonio de Trasvifia Retis, who 
accompanied the missionary sons of St. Francis to La Junta de 
los Rios and to West Texas in 1715, has an importance by reason 
of the fact that it precedes by one year the Ramon expedition into 
East Texas. This was the renewal of activities for the foundation 
and establishment of several missions and pueblos in this region. 

The original document, here completely and accurately trans- 
lated by Reginald C. Reindorp and now published for the first 
time, may be found in the Archivo de San Francisco el Grande, 
recently discovered by the research scholar. Dr. Carlos E. 
Castaheda, in the Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City. No historian 
has hitherto recorded the expedition. The story of the journey, 
given below, graphically describes the country traversed and 
presents in detail the lives and customs of the various Indian 
tribes that inhabited this area. 

This contribution is remarkable, therefore, since it provides 
new data for the history of that portion of Texas, which has 
been unwittingly overlooked by all scholars who have written 
about the Big Bend country. 

Paul J. Foik 

We, Fray Gregorio Osorio and Fray Juan Antonio Garcia, 
Preachers and Missionaries in these new missions of La Junta 
de los Rios del Norte with the Conchos, of the Holy Province 
of the Santo Evangelio (Province of the Holy Gospel) of Our 
Seraphic Father St. Francis of the City of Mexico, certify and 
relate how Sergeant Major Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis, 
Chief Constable of the Holy Inquisition and Lieutenant General 
of the Kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya for General Manuel San Juan 
de Santa Cruz, Governor and Captain General of said Kingdom 
by order of His Excellency Duque de Linares, Viceroy and Cap- 
tain General of all the Kingdoms of New Spain, convoyed and 
brought us to the said new missions, paying out of his own 



wealth the expenses of thirty soldiers and their full equipment 
and arms, while employed in the service of both Majesties, and 
how he left us in peaceful possession of the said missions, as 
shown by the reports of the said Don Juan Antonio de Trasvifia 
Retis, who, with Catholic zeal, held for this purpose many par- 
liaments by means of an interpreter, with all the chiefs of the 
eight pueblos which were found. He [Retis] regaled them at his 
own expense, giving food and decent clothes to the chiefs and 
their wives, and to all the others various woolen and cotton 
clothes, knives, tobacco, rosaries, etc., out of regard for the good 
reception which they accorded us. Likewise, to us, when it was 
determined that we should remain, he gave flour, meat, condi- 
ments, wax, and wine for the celebration of Mass. With his cus- 
tomary kindness and charity, he ordered us to tell him, then 
and in the future, all our needs so that he might supply them. 
Being grateful for all the good which he has done for us in our 
persons as well as for the welfare of these pueblos, we pray God 
our Lord and will in the future offer our prayers, that He may 
repay him for so much kindness and charity, increasing his spir- 
itual blessings and his temporal wealth. All these things being 
true, we sign the record in this Pueblo and Mission of San Fran- 
cisco de la Junta de los Rios this, the 3rd day of June, 1715, A. d. 

Fray Gregorio Osorio 
Fray Juan Antonio Garcia 

I, Father and Preacher, Fray Joseph de Arranegui of the 
Order of Our Seraphic Father St. Francis of the Holy Province 
of the Santo Evangelio of the City of Mexico, do certify and 
relate how the said Fathers, Fray Andres Ramirez, Fray Gre- 
gorio Osorio, and Fray Juan Antonio Garcia, as well as myself 
were convoyed to La Junta de los Rios del Norte with the Con- 
chos by Sergeant Major Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis, 
Chief Constable of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, acting for 
the Governor and Captain General of this Kingdom of Vizcaya 
as his lieutenant, as ordered by His Excellency Duque de Linares, 
Viceroy, Governor and Captain General of all the Kingdoms of 
New Spain, who ministered to us whatever the country permit- 
ted, paying out of his own wealth the expenses of thirty soldiers 
and twenty Indian auxiliaries with their General, Don Antonio 
de la Cruz, Governor of the Pueblo of San Antonio de Julimes, 
each bearing his own arms in the service of both Majesties. He 
left the aforesaid Fathers, Fray Gregorio Osorio and Fray Juan 


Antonio Garcia, in peaceful possession of said Junta in the 
Pueblo of San Francisco, having held with great zeal for this 
purpose many parliaments and assemblies with all the governors, 
captains, and chiefs of the eight pueblos that were found within 
a radius of six leagues at and beyond the junction of the two 
rivers, making everything clear to all, both those who under- 
stood Spanish and those who did not, through General Juan An- 
tonio de la Cruz, who officiated as interpreter. Likewise, I certify 
how said Sergeant Major gave, at his own expense, to the said 
principal Indians and chiefs such necessities as flour, meat, and 
clothing for themselves as well as their wives, so that the natives 
were very contented and expressed their appreciation to the said 
Sergeant Major in my presence. Likewise, the two above-men- 
tioned priests, having decided to remain in the said new mis- 
sions, were by him graciously provided and to their satisfaction 
with such meat, flour, condiments, wax, and wine with which to 
say Mass, and all other things which seemed necessary. After 
this, with great generosity, he entreated said priests to make 
known to him without reservation, then and at all times their 
needs, so that he might supply them, which he would be glad to 
do at his own expense. Then he asked the two religious to pardon 
him for any omissions or shortcomings on his part, for he wished 
that he had been able to do for us all that his desire and venera- 
tion dictated. This we experienced during the journey, and being 
grateful, we offered to commend him to God and pray that He 
remunerate him for the good which he had done to our persons 
and the common welfare of the pueblos, where he worked with 
zeal for the greater service of both Majesties. The Sergeant con- 
tinued in the manner I have certified on the return trip from 
the juncture of said rivers to this Real of San Francisco de 
Cuellar, where we arrived in peace and with pleasure, without 
suffering the slightest disturbance during the journey. In order 
that this shall be acceptable to our King and Master (may God 
grant him a long life) and his Excellency, the Viceroy of New 
Spain, I do certify and sign my name in this Real de San Fran- 
cisco de Cuellar, on this the 11th day of June, 1715. 

Fray Joseph de Arranegui 

I, Sergeant Major Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis, Chief 
Constable of the Holy Inquisition, resident and miner in this 
Real de San Francisco de Cuellar, and acting Lieutenant Cap- 
tain General of its frontiers, etc., declare that the Reverend Fa- 


ther and Preacher, Fray Joseph de Arranegui of the Order of 
Our Father St. Francis, Commissary of the Holy Inquisition, 
Adjutant General of the Custodia of the Province of New Mexico, 
delivered to me on April 1, of this year, 1715, a sealed letter 
from His Excellency, Duque de Linares, Viceroy, Captain and 
Governor General of New Spain, the substance of which, to the 
letter is as follows: 

"The religious, who will place this in your hands, are going, 
at my request, to that territory to visit the Indians of La Junta 
de los Rios. You should not only help them and supply them 
with whatever they may need, but you should show your favor 
by accompanying them to the place where the Indians reside, 
this being a work in my estimation of great service to God and 
his Majesty. I trust to your zeal for its accomplishment and re- 
quest that you send me a detailed report of whatever you learn 
both as to the character of the Indians and as to the land, that 
in view of this I may adopt the measures deemed most conveni- 
ent, (May God keep you many years). Mexico, October 24, 1714, 
Duque de Linares to the Sergeant Major Don Antonio de Tras- 
viiia Retis." 

In obedience to this superior order, I then proceeded to pro- 
vide, at my own expense, the necessary supplies and other neces- 
sities for thirty men equipped with offensive and defensive arms 
and twenty Indian auxiliaries with their chiefs from the Pueblos 
of San Antonio de Julimes, San Pablo, Santa Cruz and San Pedro 
de Conchos, under the command of Don Antonio de la Cruz, gen- 
eral of the four pueblos. He is known to Colonel Juan Joseph 
Masoni for his courage, extreme loyalty and valor, and the great 
following he has among the Indians of La Junta, of which he 
is a native. These Indian auxiliaries and Captain Don Joseph de 
Beasoain are to be incorporated with the twenty soldiers of the 
Presidio of Conchos, whom the Governor and Captain General 
of this kingdom furnished as soon as the said Father Adjutant 
requested it of him to convoy the said religious. This number 
seemed sufficient, considering [the character] of the Indians at 
La Junta, 

But in the country that lies between this Real and the said 
Junta, where lies a good part of the road we would necessarily 
have to follow, are found the crossings, entrances, and exits of 
the hostile Indians, who oftentimes reside there, such as the Sin- 
sibles, Chisos, Chinarras, Cocoyames, and Acocolames, I deemed 
it necessary, therefore, in order to safeguard the persons of the 


said religious, their own lives and mine from any evil intent of 
the said enemies to carry at my cost the additional thirty men 
and twenty Indians, with the requisite number of servants for 
fifty pack animals to conduct the foodstuffs and supplies for my 
party and the religious, making a total of sixty persons, without 
including the missionaries. Finding that I had all that was nec- 
essary to execute that which was ordered by Your Excellency, 
the Governor and Captain General of this Kingdom Don Manuel 
San Juan de Santa Cruz, Knight of the Order of Santiago, solic- 
itous for the best success of the enterprise, sent me the title of 
Lieutenant Captain General, so that during this journey I should 
command the soldiers as such, and wherever it might later be 
necessary and convenient for the royal service. Having ordered 
Captain Don Joseph de Beasoain and the two priests that were 
in his presidio, those who had come assigned to the new missions, 
to go on to the Pueblo of San Antonio de Julimes in order that 
we might be incorporated and there to proceed to La Junta de 
los Rios, and having been informed that said captain would ar- 
rive on May 23 at the place indicated, I left on this day from 
this Real, taking in my company the Reverend Fathers Fray 
Joseph de Arranegui and Fray Andres Ramirez. The record of 
the journey and the places visited are as follows: 

On Thursday, May 23, I left the Real de San Francisco de 
Cuellar at about four o'clock in the morning, and at noon I had 
lunch with the two priests on a spring at the mouth of the river 
called Julimes, which is eight leagues from \/here I started. In 
the afternoon of the same day I traveled with the said priests, 
soldiers, and the entire convoy to a place where there was an- 
other spring of water and advanced twelve leagues during the 
entire day. Here we spent the night, in testimony whereof I 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Friday, May 24. In the morning we left the above-mentioned 
place of Bachimba for the Pueblo and Mission of San Antonio 
de Julimes, a distance of five leagues, where I found Captain 
Joseph de Beasoain with twenty soldiers and the two priests who 
are to establish the missions at La Junta de los Rios, who joined 
us here. We continued throughout the day in good order to the 
first crossing of the Conchos River, where we spent the night. 
We traveled seven leagues, which added to the five traveled to 


the mission, made a total of twelve for the day. The country was 
open but exposed to the enemy. To this I sign. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis 

Saturday, May 25. We left said first crossing of the Conchos 
River after noon, when the drove of pack animals and the drove 
of horses, which had been separated from us the two previous 
days, arrived, and we traveled seven leagues to El Alamo where 
we stopped that night, because there I found a small spring of 
water sufficient for human needs only, and I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis 

Sunday, May 26. Mass was celebrated in the said place of El 
Alamo by Father Fray Andres Ramirez and it was heard by all 
the people. We then traveled to a marsh with springs. This place 
is useless, there being not an atom of ground that could be ir- 
rigated with the water of the springs, because it follows a ledge 
along sterile hills. Having crossed a sharp ridge half a league 
after we left the marshes, which is very difficult to defend from 
the enemy, because of its narrow extent and the great number of 
boulders, we arrived at this place of Las Chorreras at about 
eight o'clock in the morning and spent the day here till about 
three o'clock in the afternoon, when I continued the journey to 
the waterhole of Las Sauces, where I arrived at about eight 
o'clock that night, the whole party having traveled twelve 
leagues this day, morning and afternoon, crossing the range be- 
tween Las Chorreras and Las Sauces, which is more than a 
league of climbing up and down and very rough going with many 
obstacles, so that men on horseback can hardly get through ex- 
cept for two ledges used to descend, where it is necessary to go 
in single file. In testimony, I sign. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Monday, May 27. I traveled from Las Sauces to meet the 
Conchos River again, a distance of five leagues, over pleasant 
country, through groves of trees and through meadows on either 
bank, most of the country being hills that are unproductive ex- 
cept for cattle, without any other water than the river. I spent 
the whole day at the Conchos River so that the pack animals 
and the drove of horses might rest. I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis 


Tuesday, May 28. I started downstream and stopped at about 
nine o'clock in the morning on the said river at the place called 
Santa Cruz, which was an Indian pueblo of the Auchane nation, 
who are now incorporated in the Pueblo of San Antonio de Ju- 
limes. That afternoon I traveled as far as the water hole of Los 
Mimbres, formed by an arroyo whose course runs for a gunshot's 
distance. I spent the night here, having traveled eight leagues 
this day without accident. I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Wednesday, May 29. During the morning I traveled from Los 
Mimbres to the Pueblo of San Pedro, where the Cholome Indians 
live on the edge of said Conchos River. They are the most Chris- 
tianized and civilized, and they are in the habit of going to the 
estates of General Don Juan Cortes del Rey, a Knight of the 
Order of Santiago, to work. These Indians had built arches, came 
out to receive me, gave me the oath of obedience with all loyalty, 
and regaled me with string beans from their gardens. They had 
nearly ripe wheat, corn with ears in abundance, and likewise 
they had fields planted with watermelons and pumpkins not yet 
ready to eat. I stayed in said pueblo until evening, when they, 
aided by the Indians in my party, gave me fish which they caught 
in the river. The lieutenant of the said pueblo is Don Santiago 
el Torito [Little Bull]. Having shown them much gratitude and 
explained through the Reverend Father Fray Andres Ramirez, 
how I was going to take the two priests that were being sent 
by his Excellency, the Viceroy, to the Indians who live in the 
eight pueblos of La Junta de los Rios, they were very happy. 
The said Don Santiago offered to see the general of all the Cho- 
lomes, who is Don Andres Coyame, who with some other people 
lives in a cienega [moor] two leagues distant, but who is now 
at the home of Don Juan Cortes, where said Don Santiago was 
on the point of going with some people to cut the said Cortes' 
wheat, and on arriving there he [Santiago] would speak to the 
said general, so that they would be given priests who would min- 
ister to them, and he [Santiago] would notify me. Then I gave 
them some meat I had with me and two bundles of tobacco, 
which pleased them very much. The lieutenant counted all the 
people of this pueblo, men, women and children, and he gave me 
the number as one hundred and ninety persons. On the afternoon 
of said day I traveled from this pueblo to another called El Cu- 
chillo Parado which is now called Nuestra Sefiora de Begoiia, 


where Indians of the eight pueblos of La Junta live, who, notified 
by Father Fray Andres Ramirez, came out to receive me with 
much joy. They gave the oath of obedience, kissing the robe of 
the Fathers of St. Francis. They had many arches along the road. 
I spent the night in this pueblo. They had much wheat ready to 
cut and other grain as already indicated, of which they gave me 
with great liberality of those which were edible, showing much 
joy because the priests were being taken to their relatives at La 
Junta. They, though few in number, would also like to maintain 
priests who would minister to them. In the meantime, while 
priests are being sent by His Excellency to them they would go 
to La Junta, so that they might be ministered to by the priests 
who are coming to live there. Having some worn-out horses and 
mules, I decided to order that they be left in the care of the said 
Indians, which was done, leaving also twelve loads of supplies, 
flour, meat, and biscuit for the return trip from La Junta so as 
not to carry this load both ways. I had the food put in one of 
the few houses of the pueblo that had doors like a presidio, fac- 
ing the church, at a distance of one hundred paces from the vil- 
lage. The people were counted and there were twenty-four per- 
sons. Having traveled twelve leagues today, the facts were 
properly set down and signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

Thursday, May 30. The day of the Ascension of Our Lord, 
Mass was said by Father Fray Gregorio Osorio, which was heard 
by all the people. I then left the said pueblo and after crossing 
a rough ridge at about half a league, I arrived at the foot of the 
Cuesta Grande [high cliff] and the range that has to be crossed 
in order to see the pueblos at La Junta on the banks of the 
Conchos River. Here I stopped that night, having traveled about 
five leagues. Since there was nothing else worthy of record, I 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Friday, May 31. I started at daybreak from the foot of the 
Cuesta Grande and traveled to the first of the eight pueblos, of 
which I had been informed by the Reverend Father Fray Andres 
Ramirez. This first pueblo is called El Mesquite, but I named it 
Nuestra Seiiora de Loreto in honor of her saintly image which I 
carried as guide and patron of the journey. On this trip we 
crossed a very high range entering through a canyon about two 


leagues long. In order to proceed I had Indians breaking and 
moving boulders. From the top is seen all the valley of La Junta 
de los Rios. Because of the roughness of the passage only twelve 
leagues were traveled today. The Indians of all the pueblos came 
out to receive me, having built arches along the road. They gave 
the oath of obedience and kissed the hands of the priests. 

I spent the rest of the day in the pueblo. The people who live 
in it were counted and there were eighty persons of all ages. 
The land in the valley of the Conchos River, on both sides, is 
open and rolling, having mountains in the background. They 
have much wheat, com, and legumes planted in irrigated fields. 
The pueblo, with its plaza in the middle, is well fenced with a 
wall. Its houses and portals have thin walls and roof -beams of 
sycamore, because no other wood is found along the river. Since 
there was nothing else to record today, I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviha Retis 

Saturday, June 1. I left said first pueblo, Nuestra Sefiora de 
Loreto, traveling downstream on the banks of the Conchos River, 
seeing fields of wheat, corn and other grains on both banks of 
this river. In one league I arrived at the Indian pueblo of the 
Cacalote nation, which I named San Juan Bautista. It is fenced 
and has its plaza in the middle, upon which the houses face, 
where the inhabitants, having put up arches, received me. I or- 
dered the governor, the captains and the cacique to count the 
people of the said pueblo by families and having executed the 
order punctually, they brought me the number of one hundred 
and sixty-five persons, young and old. I gave orders that the next 
day, Sunday, they should all go down to the pueblo of La Junta 
de los Rios called San Francisco to attend Mass. This would be 
said by the priests there, as that place would be made the head- 
quarters for La Junta, because it is in the center of the eight 
pueblos. Having made this provision, I proceeded to and arrived 
at the said Pueblo of San Francisco de La Junta at about nine 
o'clock in the morning, having traveled about four leagues down 
through the open valley of the Conchos River. Many Indians of 
all the pueblos came out to receive me with their governors, 
captains, and with their flags of peace. They were in military 
formation and orderly lines along the entrance to the said pueblo. 
They had many arches built and even the women and children 
made many demonstrations of joy, all being in lines on either 
side of the entrance to the pueblo, where I stopped. They all 


gathered around me with rejoicing when I dismounted from my 
horse and gave the oath of obedience. I immediately told the 
governors that I did not want to stay in the pueblo, as the sol- 
diers and others of the party would cause them inconvenience 
and, as I had no intention of harming them, that I would put up 
my tents at a distance from the pueblo. To all of this plan the 
governor of the pueblo, Don Pascual de Orthega replied, thank- 
ing me and saying that it was not necessary [to encamp] as the 
Pueblo of San Francisco is divided into three settlements, sep- 
arated about three hundred yards from each other, and that he 
had retired all of his people to the two outside settlements leav- 
ing the one in the middle free and unencumbered for me, where 
I could stop with the entire company, which I did, thanking him 
for his kindly arrangements. I ordered the corporals to instruct 
the soldiers that they were not to go to the pueblos except in my 
company and that those contravening this order would be pun- 
ished in military fashion. With this arrangement the day passed, 
in witness whereof I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

Sunday, June 2. All the people from the eight pueblos con- 
gregated to hear Mass. Three were said. To the last of these 
celebrations all the governors, captains, caciques, and chiefs of 
the said pueblos came, stopping by the house where I was to 
accompany them in good comradeship to the church. After they 
had heard the last Mass said by the Reverend Father Fray 
Andres Ramirez, they all returned to the pueblo, and I spoke to 
them. I reminded them that many times they had asked Father 
Ramirez on the three occasions when he had come to that coun- 
try, if he would write and ask His Excellency, the Viceroy, to 
send priests to minister to them, which he had done. His Excel- 
lency, in his zeal, gave immediate attention to the letter and 
promptly sent them two missionaries of the Order of Our Father 
St. Francis whom, by the order of His Excellency, I had brought 
with the intention that they should remain to minister to them. 
They understood that they were to comply with Christian obli- 
gations and obey and help the priests, living in obedience to our 
Catholic King, executing his orders and those issued by the 
priests, their ministers. I told them these and other things con- 
ducive to this end in the Castilian language, which was under- 
stood by many who were versed in Spanish. When the speech 
was concluded, the priest explained it in their own language, so 


that it would be understood by all. General Don Antonio de la 
Cruz, Governor of San Antonio de Julimes, understood, agreed, 
and was satisfied. He replied that they were very grateful to the 
priest for the good he had done for them in writing to His Ex- 
cellency, the Viceroy, so that he would send priests to minister 
to them and that they would comply with the Christian obliga- 
tions, and be loyal vassals of His Majesty. Then we left the 
church. The said Indians as well as the four priests accompanied 
me to the house along with the captain of the Conchos all of 
whom had congregated to hear Mass. After arriving at the house, 
I told them my purpose in coming through General Don Antonio 
de la Cruz, who understands both the Castilian language and 
that of the Indians, because he is a native of that nation. I 
charged them, in the most agreeable and efficacious manner I 
could employ, with the duties that seemed to me the most con- 
ducive to success in securing the foundation of those missions 
and the spread of the Holy Gospel. I reminded them of the trip 
they took to the Real de San Francisco de Cuellar to see Colonel 
Don Juan Joseph Masoni, who was then ofiicer acting for His 
Excellency, the Viceroy, in said mining and presidial camp, 
whom the Indians asked in my presence with much insistence to 
help them, asking that His Excellency would send teaching 
priests to them so that they could live like Christians. To this 
the said Colonel Masoni listened with zeal, much care and com- 
miseration, and offered to present their request to His Excel- 
lency. This promise was executed, in which he begged the Pro- 
vincial Superior of the Franciscans of Zacatecas to give permis- 
sion and an order to the above-mentioned priest. Father Fray 
Andres Ramirez to enter La Junta de los Rios, where he had 
been on previous occasions, to inform him whether the said In- 
dians were firm in their intentions. This was done by the said 
Father Fray Andres Ramirez and he gave an account by letter, 
which was received by said Colonel Don Juan Joseph Masoni, 
who forwarded it with a representation and a memorial to His 
Excellency Duque de Linares, Viceroy of New Spain, on May 30, 
1713. [This transmittal of documents] in effect was the begin- 
ning [of these relations], and has resulted in this expedition. 
His Excellency ordered me to help the priests in all that they 
needed, to accompany them to this place, and to make for him 
a complete report on the contact with the Indians and the coun- 
try, in view of which he might administer whatever might be 
convenient for the provinces. I likewise recalled to them how the 


said Colonel Don Juan Joseph Masoni had regaled them through 
my hand, when they went to see him at the said Real de San 
Francisco de Cuellar, giving them meat, flour, and whatever was 
necessary to eat in that Real and that they were able to return 
to their pueblos, all of which [happenings] they admitted. They 
acknowledged the gratitude and obligation they owed to the said 
Colonel Masoni, because he had made their hearts happy, which 
is the Indian way of showing and making known their content- 
ment. They manifested it by their actions and demonstrations of 
which we, the religious Fathers as well as Captain Joseph de 
Beasoain and I, were very proud. 

We were pleased to see Indians with such good reason and 
so polite without having had any education and also to see them 
so well-dressed, men as well as women, the chiefs and their wives 
being outstanding with better clothes in the Spanish fashion, 
with shirts of fine white linen worked in silk. Some had skirts of 
serge, silk shawls, Cordovan shoes, imported Brussels silk socks. 
I found men, women and children with good-natured, happy faces, 
who were very sociable with the Spaniards as they came and 
went all day long in the house where I was stopping; coming and 
going like servants with no differences and without showing the 
slightest action contrary to good loyalty. In order that their 
loyalty might be more permanent, having brought from my house 
and at my own expense four hundred yards of cloth and some 
tobacco, I divided it in good order among the governors, cap- 
tains, and chiefs of these pueblos in order that they might dress 
themselves and their wives. I gave them also a supply of meat to 
divide among themselves. When all this was finished, I ordered 
them through said interpreter, General Don Antonio de la Cruz, 
to undertake soon the work of building a friary and cells, with 
adobe walls, for the priests before the rains should set in to 
prevent it. They should likewise repair the churches for the 
present, so that they would not leak when it rains, and that they 
should build churches of such size as was required by the number 
of people in each pueblo with all the decency that the territory 
and their ability would permit, so that they could hear Mass and 
receive the Holy Sacraments, all of which they promised to ex- 
ecute to the satisfaction of the priests. They begged me to prevail 
upon you to continue to help and protect them by sending two 
more missionaries for the four pueblos which are in the other 
section of La Junta at a distance of two leagues and that Your 
Excellency would provide them with the customary ornaments 


for the establishment of new missions: bells and other usual 
adornments for the churches of the eight pueblos. Moreover, they 
ask of your greatness to send an iron bar, so that they will be 
able to open ditches and take water out of the rivers in order to 
irrigate [the land], some plowshares to till the soil, and some 
pickaxes and hoes. Their means will not permit them to purchase 
these things. In order to buy clothes, they travel more than one 
hundred thirty leagues at the risk of meeting enemies to work on 
the farm estates of San Bartolome Valley, These trials I make 
known to you as proof of the loyalty and fine spirit in which they 
have always lived, the perseverance they manifest, and the good 
order that obtains in the pueblos, as has been described. The 
many fields of wheat, corn, and other grains which they have in 
the valleys of these rivers, and the crops they are getting ready 
to plant on the banks of the Rio del Norte, as soon as the crest 
lowers, which is now carrying the water of the snow that is being 
melted by the heat in the North, I saw and examined today with 
great pleasure while passing through the said valleys. The land is 
very suitable and fertile for crops and there are many groves of 
trees with thick foliage; sycamore, willow, and tamarisk on the 
banks of the river and on the little islands. To visit the pueblos 
and their crops on the other bank, which could already be seen 
in major part, I ordered the said Indian governors to make a 
raft on which to cross over tomorrow, Monday, and that today 
they should count the Indians in this Pueblo of San Francisco 
and in that of the Conejo nation, which is on this bank on the 
edge of the river that comes from the north at about one and one- 
half leagues from La Junta, and we named it Nuestra Sefiora 
de Aranzazu. They executed my order and in the evening of this 
day they brought me the number of this Pueblo of San Fran- 
cisco which has one hundred eighty persons, young and old, 
and that of Nuestra Sefiora de Aranzazu, seventy-one persons. 
With these duties this day passed. The evening was occupied by 
the priests, who came to found these missions and who are 
Fathers Fray Gregorio Osorio and Fray Juan Antonio Garcia. 
They baptized fourteen children in the presence of myself, the 
Captain of Conchos and the soldiers. The godfathers were the 
said captain as well as some of the soldiers, who were invited by 
the parents of the children. All these events here related having 
taken place, today we stopped, because of the setting sun, and 
thus, because this record is the truth, I signed. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvifia Retis 


Monday, June 3. In the morning said Indians advised me that 
they had made the boat which I had ordered them to construct 
the night before, and I went down to cross over to the other side, 
taking in my company the priests, the Captain of Conchos and 
twenty-five soldiers, leaving the rest and the cavalcade in the 
Real. The priests, the captains, and I crossed over on the raft 
and the soldiers went on horseback. Without accident we arrived 
at the Pueblo of the Polacmes and Sibulas. The latter, which is 
the largest of the eight pueblos of this valley, we named Nuestra 
Sehora de Guadalupe. Having counted the people of this pueblo, 
we learned that there were five hundred and fifty persons, young 
and old, and we found that it was well built with two plazas 
dividing the two nations, which are united for purposes of mutual 
defense from the enemies that have attacked them from time to 
time, because the former did not care to admit the assemblies of 
these hostile Indians to go with them up into the mountains. This 
can all be verified by General Don Antonio de la Cruz of the 
Pueblo of Julimes, who has given them help, having been notified 
by runners, by means of which they had maintained themselves 
without admitting the evil assemblies of the enemies and without 
help from the Spaniards, which proves their constancy to the 
Catholic Faith. 

About a league farther down, on the banks of La Junta de 
los Rios, there are three pueblos close together and in the same 
form as the rest. The first is that of the Puliques, which I named 
Seiior San Jose and which has ninety-two persons, young and 
old, and the next is that of the Conchos which I named San 
Antonio de Padua and which has eighty-seven people, young and 
old; the last one which was named San Cristobal is that of the 
Poxalmas and numbers one hundred and eighty inhabitants, 
young and old. 

The governors counted [the people] in this and all the other 
pueblos and added to the number eighty persons who are working 
in the Valley of San Bartolome and whom I ordered the said gov- 
ernors to bring back along with the Indians that were about to 
go to the wheat harvest. So that this could be carried out without 
embarrassment to a single person I gave them a letter of sup- 
plication for the Governor and Captain General of this kingdom 
in which I asked him to order it thus, so that they would return 
to their pueblos and see their teaching ministers and so that the 
people of each pueblo could be registered with due care. Having 
added the people counted in the eight pueblos on either bank at 


La Junta de los Rios, it seems that there are one thousand four 
hundred and five persons, not counting the Cholomes of the 
Pueblo of San Pedro, which has one hundred and ninty persons 
and those of the same nation which live in the Cienega of Coyame 
on the estate of General Don Juan Cortes del Rey, nor the forty- 
four persons of the Cone jo nation, who live in the Pueblo of 
Nuestra Sefiora de Begona del Cuchillo Parado, Through the in- 
terpreter, Don Antonio de la Cruz, I repeated in all the pueblos 
what was said the day before regarding their obligation to live 
good Christian lives, to die in the Faith of Jesus Christ and that 
of our Catholic King, and to be loyal vassals. They promised to 
comply with this advice and were very happy. At about four 
o'clock in the afternoon, I returned to the Real de San Francisco 
in the company of all those who had gone with me and I stopped 
here, having spent the day in these duties, and this testimony 
being the truth, I signed it : 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvifia Retis 

Tuesday, June 4. I spent the entire day in said pueblo, where 
I set up camp, and sent a call to all the governors and to the 
oldest and most expert Indians, who, being all assembled, I ques- 
tioned them again and again through the interpreter. General 
Antonio de la Cruz, regarding information about the Colorado 
River as well as the Pearl Sea or Pearl Lake, which was men- 
tioned in a letter to Colonel Don Juan Jose Masoni by Reverend 
Father Andres Ramirez as having been reported by an Apache 
Indian, whom he baptized and who reported said lake to be six 
days' travel from La Junta. The most experienced Indians re- 
plied that no one from those pueblos had been there or to a 
similar place and that they had heard of it only from the said 
Apache, whom they had taken to be their friend. He promised 
them that when teaching missionaries should come to these 
pueblos, he would bring all the people of his rancheria, which are 
about sixty families above and below La Junta, so that they 
should all be catechized and baptized. Failure to notify the said 
Apache that His Excellency was sending the religious, was due 
to knowledge that there was smallpox on his rancheria and that 
care should be taken not to contract the disease. When he comes, 
as he is in the habit of doing, they will send him to me with an 
interpreter so that I may question him. Likewise I asked them, 
if they know how far it is from La Junta to El Paso del Rio del 
Norte; from the Indian manner of using days to indicate dis- 


tance I concluded that it is seventy leagues, more or less. They 
have heard that between here and there, along the banks of the 
Rio del Norte, there are rancherias of heathen and apostate In- 
dians of the Suma, Cholome, Chinarra and Totame nations, who 
steal horses and commit other hostilities at El Paso del Rio del 
Norte and at the farms around Chihuahua, San Buenaventura 
and other places. Likewise I asked them if they know how far it 
is from this place to Coahuila and to Parras, but no one could 
tell, because they had not been over the country. Only because 
they had been there, could they tell me about the springs and the 
ranges, where the Cocoyames, Acolames, Sinsibles and Chisos 
usually live, telling me that to the south of La Junta de los Rios 
there is the cliff of Santa Marta where they fought with the 
Chisos, when the Governor of this kingdom, Don Juan Isidro de 
Pardifias came ; again on another occasion, they joined with Cap- 
tain Juan de Retana. On all of these occurrences the people from 
these pueblos accompanied the soldiers. They fought the enemy 
at the said cliff frequently, at the Sierra de Taque and in the 
places called Encinillas, Conula and Bapagua, the nearest of 
which is at a distance of thirty leagues. Each of these places has 
its springs of water, but it is not known at present whether the 
hostile nations are to be found in one of these places or some- 
where else. Seeing that they knew nothing else worth inquiring 
about, I determined to leave the next day, Wednesday, for home, 
since I had nothing else to do or to advise. With this resolution, I 
asked Fray Gregorio Osorio and Fray Juan Antonio Garcia, 
whether they were satisfied with what had been done and ordered 
among the Indians, and whether they stayed in the said place 
with pleasure and without regret to establish the missions and 
minister to those natives. They should tell me if there was any- 
thing lacking, and if they did not have it, they should ask for 
whatever they needed, as I would leave them some part of what- 
ever I had, and if they should still lack something, I would send 
it from my house, for which purpose some Indians of said pueblos 
would come with me. Thus, for the present as well as in the in- 
terim in which, with the news of this result. Your Excellency is 
granting the most convenient provisions, I will give without 
reserve whatever they need as Your Excellency ordered me. 
Being satisfied, they were to present me with a certificate signed 
by their hands as evidence that I had complied with the mandate 
of the Most Excellent Viceroy. The said religious being very 
happy and full of zeal and hope for their work of gathering much 


fruit in those pueblos, determined, for the present, to remain 
together in this Pueblo of San Francisco and from there to min- 
ister to all of the pueblos. It seemed agreeable for each [of the 
pueblos] to bring to the said priests two boys, ten years of age 
or less, who should live with these Fathers so that the latter 
might teach them Christian doctrine, after which, in the absence 
of priests in their pueblos, they could teach [the doctrine] to the 
rest in the meanwhile until the arrival of the necessary priests 
for said pueblos. With this disposition, having given them as 
much as they asked of flour, meat, soap, lard, tobacco, powders, 
paper, and a bottle of wine with which to say Mass, and six 
pounds of wax, they gave me the certificate which is attached 
to this account together with that which was given to me by the 
Reverend Father Fray Joseph de Arranegui, Commissary of the 
Holy Ofiice and Procurator of the Custody of New Mexico, as a 
witness. All of this has been related to his satisfaction as ordered 
by the very Reverend Father Commissary General of St. Francis 
for this purpose, and being the truth, I signed it. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

Wednesday, June 5. Having taken leave of the said religious, 
I left this pueblo of La Junta in the morning accompanied by 
Fathers Fray Joseph de Arranegui and Fray Andres Ramirez 
and Captain Joseph de Beasoain. We traveled with the entire 
train to the Pueblo of Nuestra Sehora de Loreto, where we ate 
and took the siesta [and then went on] to La Sierra where we 
spent the night having traveled eight leagues this day. The cap- 
tains and governors of said pueblos went with me on my depar- 
ture as far as the said place, sending in my company eight In- 
dians of the pueblos in order that they might bring back thirty- 
five capon sheep and six goats with kids, which it was necessary 
to send to the above-mentioned priests who remained, as there 
was no kind of cattle in all the pueblos; in witness whereof, I 
signed the record, 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvifia Retis 

Thursday, June 6. 1 left said place at the foot of La Sierra and 
La Cruz with the entire train and arrived at the banks of the 
Conchos River on the other side of La Sierra at about nine o'clock 
in the morning. Having eaten and taken the siesta in the said 
place, I traveled during the afternoon to the Pueblo of Nuestra 
Senora de Begofia del Cuchillo Parado where I had left, on the 


way out, the twelve loads of supplies and the worn-out horses 
and mules. I found the latter had been well cared for and were 
lacking in nothing. In recompense for their loyalty, I thanked the 
people and gave them a portion of meat of about one hundred 
fifty pounds for all of the Indians of the pueblo to eat and two 
bundles of tobacco. I spent the night in this pueblo ; with nothing 
more noteworthy for record, in witness whereof I signed it : 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

Friday, June 7. I left said pueblo going through the same 
places as were seen on the journey out to La Junta de los Rios, 
traveling in good order in the company of the two aforemen- 
tioned religious and the Captain of the Conchos to the Pueblo 
of San Antonio de Julimes, where we arrived at ten o'clock in 
the morning, at which time said Captain Don Joseph de Beasoain 
with his twenty soldiers departed for their presidio and Father 
Fray Andres Ramirez went in his company. I proceeded, taking 
in my company the priest Fray Joseph de Arranegui, and having 
this day sent back the eight Indians of La Junta de los Rios with 
the thirty-five sheep and six goats, which I bought from Captain 
Juan de Sosa, I arrived at San Geronimo River where I spent the 
night. The next day, which was the last day of Pentecost, I 
reached home with the thirty soldiers, which I took at my own 
expense, and the twenty Indians with their General Don Antonio 
de la Cruz, paying them, each and every one in cash, as they had 
all complied with their orders punctually, and having concluded 
the mandate and completed all that was ordered by Your Ex- 
cellency, the said soldiers left this day very contented, leaving 
me in my home. This being the truth, I signed it : 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Up to this point is the description of the journey and what 
was seen of the territory. Its climate is pleasant and temperate 
and the valleys of the rivers are very fertile. There are places on 
both banks of the streams well suited to the raising of cattle and 
horses, with the running springs that were mentioned in the 
description of the ninety-one league journey over the route which 
I was forced to travel in the summer season. The distance be- 
tween water holes prevented me from going by either one of the 
two roads that lead from this Real to La Junta, one called the 
Valley of Santa Clara and the other Sierra de los Ormigas, both 
of which lead straight to the Cienega of Coyame. I am informed 


that it is open country and that the distance from this said Real 
to La Junta is sixty leagues and that there are two stretches of 
between fifteen and twenty leagues in which there is no water, 
for which reason this route can be traveled only by going light 
or during the rainy season. From what I have seen, it seems to 
me that said missions will probably be maintained without Span- 
ish settlers, because the territory is suitable only for farming 
and cattle raising, as there is no forest or woods between this 
Real and La Junta and for many leagues beyond and on either 
side, according to information I acquired from the natives and 
other persons who have been there on occasional campaigns. 
Lacking in timber, it is not possible to establish mining towns, 
which are the villages that support this kingdom, but these new 
missions can remain and maintain themselves very well with 
fruit and the fish of the rivers and with them be of great assist- 
ance to this Real. Establishing more solidly the two missions of 
the Cienega, the one of Coyame named Santiago and the other in 
the Pueblo of Nuestra Sehora de Begoria del Cuchillo Parado, 
which are within two leagues' travel, and the other Pueblo of 
San Pedro which is at another two leagues' distance and forty 
leagues from this Real, the said three pueblos can be ministered 
conveniently by two religious. This [arrangement] seems to me 
to be very necessary and convenient, since they are twenty 
leagues closer to this Real and on the route over which it is 
necessary to travel to the missions of La Junta de los Rios. In 
consideration of this, as soon as I reached this Real, I wrote 
General Don Juan Cortes del Rey, Knight of the Order of San- 
tiago, because the above-mentioned Don Andres Coyame, General 
of the Cholomes was there with people whom he had taken there 
from his pueblo for the harvest of the said Cortes' wheat. The 
said Cortes, with zeal, and through an interpreter, explained to 
the said Coyame and such of his people as were present, the 
context of my letter in the presence of Father Fray Raymundo 
Gras, one of the three, who by order of Your Excellency, came 
for this new foundation and because of illness was not able to 
go with me. The latter is now well and only waiting for the 
wagons to go to the missions of La Junta, being greatly consoled 
on having heard of the intention of the said Coyame, all of 
which will be seen in the reply from the said General Don Juan 
Cortes. The latter letter is enclosed as proof for Your Excellency, 
that the missions that are proposed and for which religious are 
asked to minister along with the eight of La Junta de los Rios, 


require three more religious besides the three that are here, so 
that they can comfortably minister the eleven above-mentioned 
pueblos dividing the religious between them as follows: Two in 
the Cienega of Coyame and the Cuchillo Parado ; two in the four 
pueblos on this bank of La Junta de los Rios and the last two 
should minister the four pueblos that are founded in the other 
part of La Junta, two leagues distant. It seems sufficient for the 
present to provide this number of religious for the establishment 
and foundation. Calling to the attention of Your Excellency, that 
besides the ornaments for the churches of all these pueblos, it 
will be necessary to send cattle and sheep to these priests, which 
they can raise for their permanent support. A hundred head of 
cattle and another hundred head of sheep, well cared for, would 
seem to be enough for each pueblo. The principal [herds and 
flocks] can be preserved and the increase can be used for their 
support, giving some to the Indians on occasion of titular feasts 
of the pueblos and other functions as is the custom of the Mis- 
sionary Fathers. 

A few days after returning here from La Junta de los Rios, 
Captain Don Pedro with forty Indians came from there en route 
to the wheat harvest on the farms of San Bartolome Valley. He 
brought me a letter from Father Fray Gregorio Osorio, the orig- 
inal of which I enclose with its inventory, as a witness for Your 
Excellency that the said priests are having no difficulties with 
the Indians. I sent them immediately all that they asked for, as I 
shall do in all that is necessary, until the arrival of the wagons 
in which their allowance is being brought, as I was ordered by 
Your Excellency. Captain Don Pedro gave me news that the 
Apache Indian, who was baptized by Father Fray Andres 
Ramirez and who named Don Antonio de la Cruz, the General 
of Julimes Pueblo of La Junta de los Rios for his godfather, came 
[to that place] , for he learned that I had conducted the Fathers 
there. But he arrived too late. He, therefore, told the Indians of 
La Junta to advise me that he would come to this Real as soon 
as he returns from the Colorado River, where he went to get in- 
formation for me about that and other places. The result of this 
investigation, if the occasion should arise, I will take care to 
forward to Your Excellency, to whose piety I appeal in behalf 
of the welfare of these unfortunate natives of La Junta. It seems 
that they should be relieved of the necessity of working on the 
farms of San Bartolome Valley, which are being given people 
by the Governor. Let those of La Junta come to this Real, where 


they would be saved half of the journey and the greater part of 
the risk of enemies. With regard to this matter, Your Excellency 
might order whatever is most convenient, maintaining the status 
quo of the Cholomes, who work on the estate of General Don 
Juan Cortes, whose farms are closer than those referred to in the 

It also seems necessary that I tell Your Excellency about hav- 
ing virtually seen and verified all that was related by Father 
Fray Andres Ramirez to Colonel Don Juan Joseph Masoni, and in 
witness of his prelates. So that any other opinion that might be 
held will be banished, I, as well as the said priest and the Father 
and Commissary of the Holy Office, Fray Joseph de Arranegui 
and the two who remained in La Junta de los Rios, verify all the 
journey and what they said regarding the conditions. They have 
labored like true religious of Our Father St. Francis and are 
worthy of better employment. 

It also seems obligatory on my part to advise Your Excellency 
of the loyalty, valor and other prerogatives of Don Antonio de la 
Cruz, Indian Governor of the Pueblo of San Antonio of Julimes, 
whose deeds are meritorious and who is a native of La Junta de 
los Rios and has co-operated with great zeal in the founding of 
these missions, as will be seen in the certificate given to said 
General by the said Father Fray Andres Ramirez. The letter re- 
peats the fact that the new Christianity had effect only because 
he added the valor and vigilance with which he defended his 
pueblo, which is on the frontier, from the hostile Indians, and 
brings the assistance for which he is asked from time to time 
by the Indians of the north and the Spaniards who have country 
estates in the immediate jurisdiction of his pueblo, all of which 
I have witnessed for eight years in this section since I began to 
settle this Real. Said Indian is capable, knows how to read and 
write and deserves to be favored by Your Excellency's greatness 
as he was by Colonel Don Juan Joseph Masoni, when he was in 
this Real, having experienced the loyalty of said General Don 
Antonio de la Cruz, whose titles and certificates I sent to that 
court, so that they might be presented with a memorial to Your 
Excellency. If these things seem worthy to the royal service, and 
Your Excellency would have the title of General of all the pueblos 
of the new foundation sent to him, I am sure he will govern and 
control them with good policy. He might be assigned a salary of 
three hundred grains out of the six thousand grains which his 
Majesty allows this kingdom each year for the expenses of war 


and peace. With this salary said General will be able to maintain 
horses for the functions of and visits to the pueblos. Regarding 
this and all other things, Your Excellency will determine with 
Catholic zeal whatever is most convenient. Having no further 
news to place at the disposal of the high understanding of Your 
Excellency regarding the detailed account which was ordered, I 
conclude, sending this carrier, who is Francisco Calderon, one 
of the soldiers who made this journey at my expense, whom I 
hope will bring news that what has been done is pleasing to Your 

In all humility I beg forgiveness of Your Excellency's great- 
ness for any defects there may be in the execution of the orders, 
as my desire has been to serve Your Excellency with my person 
as a loyal vassal of Your Majesty and with fervent zeal. The ex- 
penses I have sustained and accounted amount to six thousand 
grains and it would be the greatest pleasure to me, if they were 
accepted by Your Excellency in the service of our King and 
Master (may God protect him) as well as the service of settling 
and founding this Real even though this act may be contrary to 
the advice of all the people of the kingdom. I have maintained 
myself at my own expense, until the mines began to produce good 
supplies of silver. This [country] has been the continual habitat 
of hostile Indians for about two years. This Real has increased 
in population every day of the eight years I have lived in it, so 
that today it is one of the best and most opulent Reales de Minas 
in all New Spain. According to the location and veins of metals, 
these mines seem by nature inexhaustible, a verification of which, 
by one who has seen them, was sent to me by Colonel Don Juan 
Jose Masoni. He will also tell how the parochial church was 
built in this Real at my expense and whose titular patron saints, 
named by the Governor of this kingdom, are Nuestra Seiiora de 
Regla and San Francisco de Cuellar. The church is thirty-seven 
varas long with a transept, sacristy and baptistry, and a chapel 
for the Santo Cristo de Mapimi, with all the ornaments, sacred 
vases, lamp and adornments which have cost me eighteen hun- 
dred grains. I caused to be placed in the principal door the Royal 
Coat of Arms which I revere as a loyal vassal of Your Excellency. 

I allege, for merit, how I tithe each year from the silver 
which my mines produce ; how I receive from each of my estates 
from fifteen thousand to twenty thousand marcs ; and being now 
at the age of fifty- three, having labored with not too good health 
for horseback travel or to execute other activities involving per- 


sonal exertion, I am constrained to beg, at the feet of Your 
Excellency, that I be relieved of any other journeys and granted 
permission to retire to the tranquillity of my home and family, 
where I will be praying the Divine Majesty to guard the very 
important person of Your Excellency and Greatness as the 
guardian of these kingdoms, San Francisco de Cuellar. July, 1715. 

Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

The titles and advocations of the eleven pueblos contained in 
this account are as follows: Santiago Apostol de la Cienega del 
Coyame; San Pedro Apostol for the Cholomes on the Conchos 
River; Nuestra Seiiora de Begoria del Cuchillo Parado; Nuestra 
Seilora de Loreto in the pueblo of the Mesquites; San Juan 
Bautista for the Cacalotes; San Francisco at La Junta for the 
Opoxmes ; Nuestra Seiiora de Aranzazu for the Conejos ; Nuestra 
Seiiora de Guadalupe for the Polacmes, and El Seiior San Jose 
for the Puliques; San Antonio de Padua for the Conchos; and 
San Cristobal for the Poxsalmes. 

My Very Dear Sir and Friend : 

Yesterday, I received the letter from Your Excellency, dated 
the twentieth of last month, from an Indian of the Presidio of 
San Francisco de Conchos, in which I obtain the news of the 
happy success of your trip to the Rio del Norte and back, which 
assured the priests who remained at the missions so much 
pleasure, and Father Fray Raymundo Gras, who has an ardent 
desire to be with them, was equally well pleased. Regretting the 
absence of Captain Don Joseph de Beasoain, I had Andres 
Coyame called, to whom I read your letter in the presence of the 
above-mentioned Father, who interpreted it. The first thing was to 
make known to said Coyame (though he is a bad man) , that for 
my part not only the Cholomes, but all those who looked for the 
light of the Gospel should participate in it, even though it should 
cost my life. I passed from that to a determination of whether 
he would consent as easily as had the rest of the Indians who had 
asked for the priests. Having understood and considered the 
matter, he replied that he and all those of his followers would 
admit with much pleasure the priest or priests that would be 
sent to them and that for his part he would be quick to enjoy so 
much benefit, saying other things that were very much to the 
satisfaction of said priest, which I judge he will write to Fray 
Joseph de Arranegui. He will give news of his fervent resolution 


to prosecute the intention, with which he came, of going to those 
missions to employ his recovered health in that holy exercise, as 
he has given me to understand. 

Since it seems to me that I have replied to all that your Lord- 
ship proposed, and so that I may send this along with what I had 
already written to you, I close, praying Our Lord to protect you 
many years. Nuestra Seiiora del Pilar. July 1, 1715. Your faith- 
ful servant who kisses the hand of Your Excellency. 

Don Juan Cortes, to Sergeant Major 
Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

My Dear Sir: 

I hope God was pleased to let you have a very happy trip, that 
you arrived home, where I hope you have recovered from the 
copious labors and difficulties of a journey so trying, and that you 
are now in good health and in the company of the lady, your 
wife, and the baby. I place myself at your service and kiss your 

I now have a terrible pain in one shoulder-blade, that is felt 
also in the chest, which I have had for five or six days, although 
it lets up at times, because God always sends illness with mercy 
when there is no medicine. But whatever the circumstances, I 
am always in your service as your dutiful chaplain and servant, 
my Lord, and since you are our protector, it is necessary to ask 
you for help in our time of need. This medicine is needed very 
much at present, because there is none in all the country, and I 
have greatly needed also some hoops for silk, because the one 
which you left is all that we have for everything, and they say 
it is not possible to make them from sycamore or willow, because 
these woods are too brittle. If there is sent also a little lard, we 
would appreciate it. You will please not be angered with us for 
these inconveniences, as you already understand the necessities 
here, all of which will be repaid to you by God Our Lord, in- 
creasing your wealth and giving you whatever is best suited to 
your salvation. Fray Juan sends his best regards and places 
himself at your service. 

Up to now no evil has befallen us, thanks to God. Some adobes 
have been made and an oven is being constructed. Little by little 
all that time will permit can and will be done. That is all. May 
Grod protect you many years and fill you with happiness for this 
your Mission of San Francisco de la Junta. June 17, 1715. Your 


most dutiful chaplain and servant, who kisses your hand. 

Fray Gregorio Osorio to Sergeant Major and Lieu- 
tenant General Don Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 

Sergeant Major and Lieutenant Major 
Don Juan Antonio de Trasvina Retis 

Dear Sir: 

After closing the letter I am writing, it occurred to me to 
make known a necessity that had escaped my memory. Trusting 
in the charity we merit from you, we need some peas and butter- 
beans to plant as there are none here, and some garden seeds and 
one copy of Father Castaiio's Doctrinas. In God's love you will 
suffer the impertinences of your children like a father. Maintain 
this establishment as the first stone of the foundation would and 
God will repay you one hundred fold. May His Majesty keep you 
many years in this your mission. June 17, 1715. Your most affec- 
tionate chaplain and servant, who kisses the hand of Your 

Fray Gregorio Osorio 

It was added to the letter from the original, which I sent to 
Your Excellency, in witness whereof I signed it in San Francisco 
de Cuellar July 12, 1715. 

Juan Antonio de Trasviiia Retis 
Fray Joseph de Arranegui 

Translated by 

Reginald C. Reindorp 

Notes and Comment 


At this time last year, two delegations, one from France and one from 
Canada, came to this country to celebrate the two hundred and fiftieth 
anniversary of the death of Robert Cavelier de la Salle, assassinated near 
Navasota, Texas, March 19, 1687. The addresses made en route are now 
published. The Historical Society of Montreal printed some of those made 
by its members in a brochure. La Mission Canadienne Cavelier de la Salle, 
while the French mission came out with Louisiane et Texas in the Cahiers 
de Politique Etrangere. The latter is divided into three parts: "Le Pass6," 
"Le Present," and "Impressions de voyage." This note is not concerned with 
the last two divisions. Organized by the Committee "France- Amerique," 
the delegates took the occasion as a way toward fostering friendly rela- 
tions by means of intellectual rapprochement. It was a good will tour, one 
of the "best means to prevent misunderstanding between two great na- 
tions, the United States and France," and the mission became somewhat of 
a crusade. The orators pleaded for a revival of French culture, civilization, 
and language among the descendants of the French pioneers of Louisiana. 
Causes for the decline of the French language in the southern state were 
examined; remedies were suggested to prevent its deterioration and to avert 
its final disappearance. Highly praised were those good laborers "who de- 
vote themselves to spread the kingdom of His Majesty, the French lan- 
guage." There was no question, the orators emphatically asserted, of 
superseding the indigenous Anglo-American culture, but rather of effecting 
a fusion of both French and American civilization. It is not impossible for 
the Louisianians, so it was said, to be sincerely loyal to the United States 
and at the same time to be loyal to "the traditions of their French an- 

Besides expressing such hopes, aims, and ideals, the "missions" avowed- 
ly intended to recount certain phases of La Salle's adventurous career, 
and hence the printed work is open to criticism by historians. Historical 
accuracy may not have been expected in the rhetorical compositions, but, 
lest silence be interpreted as approval, certain assertions must be rectified, 
especially those for which there is no foundation in fact, and one whole 
speech which attempts to launch a new legend. The students of the history 
of the exploration of the Mississippi Valley in this country will not be 
taken off guard; in France, however, and where the French language is 
spoken, the works of Gabriel Gravier are still, if de Villiers is correct, the 
principal source which supplies documentation for the La Salle journeys. 
It is to be regretted that the orators did not consult the findings of Amer- 
ican scholars for information. If rumor is to be believed, one of the dele- 
gates was unaware of the assassination of La Salle, until the mission 
reached Chicago. 

Skipping through the French publication, one may review La Salle's 
life in a series of errors. Repeated is the amazing statement of Hennepin 
that the explorer during his Jesuit days never committed a venial sin. The 



early explorations of La Salle, his linguistic achievements, his gifts of 
oratory, the great number of Indians gathered around Fort St. Louis, are 
given as facts. Beaujeu remains the villain of the drama on the Gulf Coast. 
The reprint of an address from the Canadian brochure deals with the Sul- 
pician companions of La Salle on his last journey, namely, MM. Chefdeville, 
d'Esmanville, and Jean Cavelier, La Salle's own brother. It is a panegyric 
of the last named, abounding in surmises and errors. Thus, the seduction 
scene, found in a worthless document, is repeated; Nicholas de la Salle is 
termed the brother of the explorer, to whom he was not at all related; 
Cavelier is made not to order the sale of his brother's peltries; La Salle 
on his first journey from Matagorda Bay is made to reach the Mississippi 
and build a small fort on its banks in 1686. If the orator had not relied upon 
Jean Cavelier for the fictitious statements, he would not have been able to 
propose the question: "How did not Tonty see this little fort?" There was 
no fort; La Salle did not get near the Mississippi that year; a second ex- 
pedition was undertaken by La Salle expressly "to find his river." Other 
errors follow, but what evinces complete disregard for records is the ex- 
planation advanced to cover the silence of Cavelier about the death of his 
brother. Father Le Jeune in his Dictionnaire General du Canada, and, in the 
same year, de Villiers in his Expedition de Cavelier de la Salle dans le 
Golfe du Mexique, said silence was maintained because Cavelier wanted "to 
frustrate the creditors" of his brother. Neither author originated the ac- 
cusation; it was made by a cousin of Cavelier, Frangois Plet. But your 
orator, singling out the moral cause of the disturbing silence, places the 
blame on — the Jesuits! 

The setting was the Illinois country, where the Jesuit, Father AUouez 
happened to be when the survivors of the La Salle disaster, Joutel, Father 
Anastasius, and Jean Cavelier arrived at the fort. "Here took place a 
peculiar incident which would give a partial explanation for the tenacious 
silence of Cavelier," the orator says, referring to the uneasiness of AUouez 
on hearing that La Salle might soon arrive at the fcrt. "M. de la Ronciere 
sets things right. Exactly informed of what had taken place on the Gulf 
of Mexico, the Jesuits 'had tried to pursue La Salle's enterprise. . . . They 
asked leave to build a ship and barks to go down the Mississippi. They 
pledged themselves to draw a map of the river, to describe the flora and 
fauna of its banks.' There was doubtless somebody at the fort to make 
known to M. Cavelier these fine projects, destined to complete what Father 
Marquette had begun. And M. Cavelier, having at heart the glory of his 
brother, aware that in certain circles La Salle was looked upon as a 
'visionary and an impostor,' strengthened his resolve (se serait fortifie 
dans sa resolution) not to divulge the truth until he reached the Court." 
This attempt to absolve Cavelier at the expense of the Jesuits is unique as 
a theory, but nonsense from an historical viewpoint. If the schemes of the 
Jesuits caused Cavelier to conceal La Salle's death from Tonty, how is the 
abb6's silence after his return to France explained ? Why did Jean Cavelier 
refuse to let Joutel go to Paris to inform Seignelay and secure help for the 
poor people stranded at Matagorda Bay? Why did he himself consume two 
months on pilgrimages and a journey instead of reporting immediately to 
Seignelay? The statement of the heirs of Cavelier's cousin answers all the 
questions. "It is affirmed in the memorial of the heirs of his cousin, Frangois 
Plet, that he concealed the death of La Salle for some time after his return 


to France, in order to get possession of property which would otherwise 
have been seized by the creditors of the deceased" (Parkman, La Salle, 
436, note 1). 

M. de la Ronciere explains nothing. The quotation, for which no refer- 
ence is given, is taken from his Le Pere de la Louisiane (Tours, 1936, 116), 
and the inserted quotation is a summary of a document printed in Margry, 
Decouvertes et Etablissements des Franqais (II, 611-613), long ago analyzed 
by Parkman {La Salle, 433-434). But neither Parkman nor M. de la 
Ronciere link it with the silence of Cavelier. According to Parkman, this 
document "was written after the return of Beaujeu to France, and before 
La Salle's death became known," that is, roughly, between July, 1685, and 
December, 1688. Internal evidence, however, makes it possible to narrow 
this time limit, and thus to demolish the novel theory. One paragraph reads : 
"Sieur de Tonty, who is in command at Fort St. Louis, went by the said 
river (Mississippi) to the country previously discovered by the Sieur de la 
Salle. If necessary his services might be asked for, all the more so since 
he is offering to go down to the mouth of the said river" (Margry, III, 612). 
The offer of Tonty here mentioned was made in Montreal in August, 1687 
(Archives des Colonies, C 11 A, 9:85); it reached France at the end of the 
year. Hence the date of the document must be some time after Tonty's offer 
got to Paris, or in 1688, and the contents of the document, the plan of the 
Jesuits in France, cannot have been known to a La Salle sympathizer at 
Fort St. Louis in October, 1687. 

If, for the sake of argument, the document is admitted to have been 
written in 1685 in France, it missed the boats of that year and arrived in 
Canada at the earliest in September, 1686. Then it must be supposed that 
the Jesuits of Quebec rushed the plan to the Illinois country by some ex- 
press messenger, for the regular convoys had already gone. This is absurd, 
but the crowning absurdity is to suppose that Allouez would on receiving 
the plan have communicated it to La Salle's partisans! On such assump- 
tions the orator based the sentence: "11 se trouva sans doute quelqu'un pour 
aviser M. Cavelier de ces beaux projets." He conveniently forgets, it seems, 
that two months before at the Arkansas when information of the plan was 
unknown to Cavelier, Cavelier had resolved not to reveal his brother's 
death a qui que ce fust. — J. D. 

The Ordinance of 1787 was a document of such far-reaching importance 
in the development of the Northwest and indirectly of reg^ions further 
westward that a commission was appointed to plan a fitting celebration 
of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its enactment. One feature 
of this observance has been the preparation and distribution by the North- 
west Territory Celebration Commission of a pamphlet entitled History of 
the Ordinance of 1787 and the Old Northwest Territory, in which have been 
summarized in readable form the best authenticated facts relating to the 
formation of the Ordinance and to the early settlements made in the vast 
territory bounded by the Ohio River, the Mississippi, the Great Lakes, and 
the western frontier of the Thirteen Colonies. The state historians of the 
states now comprised in the region have co-operated with members of the 
commission and with Dr. Milo M. Quaife of the Burton Historical Collection 
in Detroit, to produce the little book of 95 pages, interesting to grade and 


high-school children as well as to their elders. To stimulate the interest of 
the children, contests, open between October 15, 1937, and February 15, 
1938, were offered, contestants to submit drawings or essays. The illustra- 
tions scattered through the pamphet are mostly reproductions of the draw- 
ings deemed most suitable; they show decided talent. Colleges and uni- 
versities in the states lying in the old Northwest Territory have, moreover, 
offered scholarships amounting to $15,000, open to all regularly entered 
undergraduates. The pamphlet, together with a colored historical map and 
a bibliography of source material, has been distributed free to teachers 
within the territory and may be bought for a nominal sum of ten cents 
from the Commission at Marietta, Ohio. — W. S. M. 


The third annual Report of the Archivist of the United States, 1936- 
1937 has within its pages very enlightening and important information. 
R. D. W. Connor, Archivist, explains what materials the National Archives 
are designed to house and what documents are not to be conserved in the 
spacious repository. His article is amplified by an appendix which is a 
"Guide to the Materials in the National Archives, June 30, 1937," that is, 
at the end of the past fiscal year. The entries are classified under five 
headings: the records of the Congress, those of the executive departments, 
those of the independent agencies beginning with the collection on the 
Washington National Monument Society and continuing in the chronological 
order of establishment down to the Social Securities Board, those of the 
judiciary, and finally those of a private gift nature, such as motion picture 
films and sound recordings. 

Out west, the Society of American Archivists met in a joint session 
with the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association at 
the University of Washington, Seattle, on December 30, 1937. Four papers 
pertaining to archive content and preservation were read and are now pub- 
lished in The Pacific Northwest Quarterly (January, 1938). These are: 
"The Archives of the Hudson's Bay Company," by Robert C. Clark, "Brit- 
ish Columbia Oflicial Records: The Crown Colony Period," by W. Kaye 
Lamb, "The Administration of State Archives," by Charles M. Gates, and 
"Preservation and Repair of Manuscripts in the Huntington Library," by 
L. Herman Smith. In the preceding number of the same quarterly, Herman 
J. Deutsch, State Director of the Historical Records Survey, published a 
"Survey of Spokane Church Archives." This lists the active and defunct 
churches of Spokane, and gives as did the earlier survey for Seattle a brief 
statement about the condition of each archive and the availability of ma- 
terials therein. 

Elsewhere, interest in archives has grown, and reports of progress in 
collection, preservation, and cataloguing of documentary materials are 
becoming more frequent. The Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Re- 
search for November, 1937, carried a "Survey of Manuscripts in the British 
Isles," by Seymour de Ricci, while Studies published an account of "The 
Work of the Irish Manuscript Commission," by R. Dudley Edwards, in its 
September, 1937, number. Last year Carlos E. Castafieda brought forth 
as the first volume of a series, A Report of the Spanish Archives in San 
Antonio, Texas. The quarterly of the Minnesota Historical Society of Saint 
Paul, Minnesota History, printed three articles in the course of 1937 on 


source materials for the history of the Northwest: "Swedish Immigration 
Material," by George M. Stephenson, "Minnesota Farmers' Diaries," by 
Rodney C. Loehr, and "Agricultural Periodicals," by Everett E. Edwards. 

Mention should be made of the recent appointment of Gustave Lanctot 
to the position of archivist of the Dominion of Canada. 

A very great loss to historical research came with the death of John 
Franklin Jameson. An excellent account of his great services to American 
scholars and scholarship appears in 'The American Historical Review for 
January, 1938. 

Announcement has been made of the forthcoming first number of The 
Journal of Documentary Publication, a quarterly review of the application 
of photography and allied techniques to library, museum, and archival 
service. Its editorial policy will be in capable hands — a board of editors 
headed by Dr. Vernon D. Tate of the National Archives as managing editor, 
and Dr. Charles E. Rush of the Yale University Library as chairman. 


The present generation may rejoice in the presence of numerous 
bibliographies on historical subjects, arranged in neat order for the benefit 
of students in colleges, research workers, and even for more popular pur- 
poses. Historical magazines are contributing no small amount of informa- 
tion on current publications, but the selection of items pertinent to the 
specific field covered by national and local journals is becoming increasingly 
difficult for the respective editors of magazines. An inevitable overlapping 
takes place, and is perhaps necessary in this age of digests. Not everybody 
is interested in every magazine, yet many in the body professorial wish 
convenient summaries of what is transpiring in the historical field. The 
American Historical Review regularly publishes lists of articles after the 
notices of recent publications and thus offers a great service to historians 
in particular or general work. The Hispanic- American Historical Review 
has been for years past outstanding as a guide to scholars, and The Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review is attempting to favor the students of the 
history of the central portion of the land with a similar service. Local and 
state journals also make bibliographical contributions. The Catholic His- 
torical Review prints its list of periodical literature under four headings — 
miscellaneous, European, the British Empire, United States. In the Octo- 
ber, 1937, number. Father Joseph B. Code gave "A Selected Bibliography 
of Religious Orders and Congregations of Women Founded within the 
Present Limits of the United States." As a help to those wanting to know 
the contents of Catholic periodicals, Walter Romig and Company of Detroit 
began publication of an index. The Catholic Bookman, which appears 

Recently other helps have been produced. Winifred Gregory has edited 
American Newspapers, 1821-1936, A Union List of Files Available in the 
United States and Canada (New York, 1937). This is the completion of a 
great task of compiling a list of newspapers by states and Canadian prov- 
inces, and cities, and is the third of the great guides to library collections; 
the others are the Union List of Serials and the Serial Publications of 
Foreign Governments. Volume IX (1934) of International Bibliography of 
Historical Sciences appeared in 1936. Dr. Lewis Hanke of Harvard is keep- 
ing abreast of the output on Hispanic America with his edition of the 


Handbook of Latin American Studies, an annual gxiide to the materials 
being published on anthropology, archaeology, economics, geography, his- 
tory, law, and literature, prepared by a number of scholars in each field. 
The Bibliographical Society of America has the good intention of prevent- 
ing unnecessary labor on the part of researchers, which might result from 
bibliographical compilers running wild. It is asking that all who have lists 
in progress or who are planning a bibliography in some special line, report 
their plans for publication in its News Sheet. In this manner duplication 
may be avoided. This idea corresponds with what is being done to prevent 
duplication of research projects by different students in separated parts 
of the country. Another work of the type, valuable in more ways than one, 
is being edited by Donald B. Gilchrist under the title Doctoral Dissertations 
Accepted by American Universities. 

Henry Putney Beers has been amassing for some time items which have 
gone into his guide to materials for research. His volume is now published 
under the title Bibliographies in American History (New York, The H. W. 
Wilson Company, 1938). In this compilation there are exactly 300 pages, 
each containing a number of bibliographies; the total number of items 
listed in double columns is 7,692; a suitable index of thirty-nine pages rounds 
out the work. Lists are arranged in fourteen chapters, beginning with gen- 
eral aids and ending with a state by state guide. The intervening chapters 
follow the anticipated form, namely, colonial period, revolution, confedera- 
tion, the United States, diplomatic history, economic history, education, 
and so forth. Even though there are some omissions, and even though there 
is a lack of criticism of deficiencies in articles and works listed, great 
credit is due the compiler for his industry in gathering materials into a 
convenient handbook. 

A very notable piece of scholarship has been done on the celebrated 
Jesuit Relations. It appears now as Jesuit Relations of Canada: A Bibli- 
ography, by James C. McCoy (Paris, 1937, 225 francs). Mr. McCoy, a col- 
lector and student of the documents, had assiduously and at great expense 
gathered all available bibliographical items pertainmg to the 132 editions 
and distinct variants of the Relations, and had summarized the work done 
in this regard by scholars for the past century. Just at the time he had com- 
pleted his manuscript in 1934, Mr. McCoy died. Lawrence C. Wroth, li- 
brarian of the John Carter Brown Library, took care of the work, and 
writes an excellent introduction to the book. A number of title pages of 
single relations are reproduced, and toward the end of the volume a sjmoptic 
table is found, showing the place and date of each publication, the edition 
variant, and variations of each of the relations. 

The Institute of Jesuit History of Loyola University, Chicago, has 
recently issued the first of its publications. The work is a series of studies 
from documents, entitled Some La Salle Journeys, by Jean Delanglez, S. J. 
This is to be followed by the publication of The Journal of Jean Cavelier, 
which is now in press. The complete French text of the journal is to be 
printed side by side with an English translation by Father Delanglez. The 
two works are part of a new appraisal of the early history of the Middle 
West. The findings of the author are new and in fields generally considered 
closed. The first volume considers the journeys La Salle reputedly made to 


the Ohio and Mississippi and his expedition to Matagorda Bay, thus cov- 
ering the first and last phases of his activities in North America. The second 
is a critical edition of the complete journal of La Salle's brother Jean. The 
scholarship exhibited in both cases is outstanding. 


A work on the inhabitants of the Mississippi Valley in prehistoric 
times is in process under the direction of the archaeologists of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago. The first of a series of books on this general field ap- 
peared in 1937, entitled Rediscovering Illinois: Archaeological Explorations 
In and Around Fulton County, by Fay-Cooper Cole (University of Chicago 
Press, Chicago). Newspaper releases have already described some of the 
findings for non-technical readers, and, following this sane lead, the author 
introduces and concludes his work in a manner intelligible to the average 

Those who are interested in our Government's treatment of the Indians 
of the West in its less just aspects and who wish a good account of Indian 
ways and customs, will be satisfied with the book Chief Joseph: The Bi- 
ography of a Great Indian, by Chester A. Fee (New York, 1936). This is 
the story, told without scholarly documentation, of the great Nez Perces 
chieftain. The Coming of Empire, or, Two Thousand Miles in Texas on 
Horseback, by Colonel Nathaniel A. Taylor, was a famed journalistic writ- 
ing in the Seventies of the last century, telling of Indians, cowboys, desper- 
adoes, and a land of struggle; it was published again in 1936. Some good 
stories were revived in Their Weight in Wildcats: Tales of the Frontier, by 
James Daugherty (Boston, 1936). Old favorites like Johnny Appleseed, 
Daniel Boone, Kit Carson, and Davy Crockett come back to life. 

As a continuation of his Colonial Hispanic Am,erica, Dr. Charles E. 
Chapman wrote another textbook. Republican Hispanic Am,erica: A History 
(Macmillan, 1937). The first ten chapters, written in his usual facile and 
clever style, appear to be general, a prelude as it were to the second and 
larger portion of the book devoted to a National Histories Appendix. But 
the chapters are packed with information, even though it is administered 
amiably. The author is extremely brief in his exposition of events easily 
found in other texts, and rather inclines to amplify less familiar affairs. 
His essay on authorities directs students to copious reading material. One 
such amplification is A Curtis Wilgus' edition of Argentina, Brazil and Chile 
Since Independence, in which the history of the first is by J. Fred Rippy, 
the second by Percy Martin, and the third by Isaac J. Cox. Unfortunately 
for students, the edition of this excellent work is exhausted and out of 
print. The section in it written by Dr. Rippy is to our way of thinking far 
superior and of much more value than the nationalist A History of Ar- 
gentina, by Ricardo Levene. Translated and edited by William Spence 
Robertson, upon whose work no criticism is intended, this latter is one 
of the Inter- American Historical Series in process of publication at Chapel 
Hill, North Carolina. The idea in printing these works is to give United 
Statesans the histories of various republics as individual nationals write it; 
fair enough, it appears, but as far as the ideological interpretations are con- 


cemed, bordering on the ephemeral, for who knows what the next national 
writer will conceive the history of his land to be? 

David R. Moore attempts "to outline conditions in Latin America as 
they are now," in his recent text A History of Latin America (New York, 
Prentice-Hall, 1938). Little of the philosophy found notably in Chapman's 
work, mentioned above, comes into the work; the style is satisfactory, prob- 
ably more satisfactory for the average freshman or sophomore in college. 
Still another work comes to hand. The Republics of South America^, a report 
by a study group of members of the Royal Institute of International Af- 
fairs (New York, London, Toronto, 1937). Time has been lacking for a 
detailed study of this work, which has been heralded widely. There is a 
certain curiosity about the price, which is considerably higher ia this 
country than it is in England. This book along with the very readable 
Dom Pedro II, the Magnanimous, by Mary W. WUliams may be reviewed 
in a future number. 

Book Reviews 

Financial Development of the United States. By W. J. Schultz and M. R. 
Craine. New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1937. Pp. 757. $3.75. 

When the English Banking Act of 1844 was passed Parliament did not 
foresee the dominant part bank money or checks would play in the mone- 
tary system of the kingdom. Silver and gold, real money, had been paid the 
builders of England's cathedrals, universities, and palaces; silver and gold 
had been stored in the chests of the aristocracy and tradesmen; real money 
had been paid the laborer, and with real money his debts and the debts 
of the king were paid. By the middle of the nineteenth century England 
had become the greatest industrial country on earth and the richest in all 
history. The foundations of her vast structure had been cemented with 
silver and gold. 

The astonishing industrial, commercial, and cultural development of 
our country did not begin until near the end of the nineteenth century. In 
the twentieth century finished products of this country were sold in the 
markets of all lands, and at the end of the War the United States was the 
creditor nation of the world. This country had more monetary gold than 
any other country, but the enormous amount of gold was insignificant in 
comparison with the enormous amount of purchasing power the nation 
spent and loaned during the War. It was insignificant, too, in comparison 
with the sums spent on government works, churches, asylums, hospitals, 
colleges, and other private enterprises from the beginning of the century 
to the beginning of the War. The development and expansion of the limited 
resources of nature, so that they might to some satisfying extent keep pace 
with unlimited economic wants, were not paid for with silver and gold but 
with bank money or checks. The history of the financial, industrial, and 
cultural development of the United States is largely a history of credit 

There is no need for the authors of this book to direct attention to their 
extension of the meaning of public finance so as to include the mechanism 
of exchange. The old definition is too narrow and should be rejected with- 
out remark. Our whole social system is founded on a monetary basis, and 
the center stone of that base is the bank. The history of banking is really 
the history of the financial development of the United States. The authors 
trace the history of banking sympathetically, and, for textbook purposes, 
adequately. The American banking system is similar to the English and 
Commonwealth systems. Fundamentally it is the same system. The Eng- 
lish and Canadian banks weathered the fierce storms of the years of de- 
pression. Not one English or Canadian bank failed. Why, then, were there 
so many bank failures in this country between 1920 and 1933 ? Obviously, 
first because there were too many banks, and second, because the banks 
were not managed as they were in England and Canada. 

In finance, management is of supreme importance. And generally the 
financial development of the United States has been well managed. Alex- 
ander Hamilton set the pace. Nicholas Biddle, when he was not harassed 



by politicians, was a great and successful financier. The authors properly 
describe in greater detail than what might be expected in a book of this 
character, the financial career of J. Pierpont Morgan. Morgan stands out 
as one of the great organizing financiers of the world. Some of his methods 
may be considered ruthless, but ruthlessness was an almost necessary 
characteristic of the capitalistic promoter. The United States Steel Cor- 
poration is an enduring monument to his extraordinary financial abilities. 
An the great corporation is also one of the most important factors in the 
industrial development of the country. 

But although in general the financial development of the country has 
been well managed there has been room for improvement in the manage- 
ment of banks. The banking laws of 1935 and following years have already 
done much to improve the methods of banking. Many believe the Govern- 
ment has gone too far in bank control and bank supervision, but all admit 
that more rigid bank inspection was necessary. The authors bring this out 
clearly, and their description of bank conditions during the years preceding 
and following the collapse in 1929 is fair and convincing. The work of 
compiling a history of the financial development of the United States, and, 
indeed, of any great nation, is most laborious. An enormous amount of 
statistical information must be accumulated, sifted and presented in an 
intelligible form. The authors have done their work well. The book gives a 
better picture of the actual development of the country from the financial 
point of view than most financial histories. The human elements are made 
as prominent as the monetary elements. The periods of financial develop- 
ment are clearly distinguished. The book is well adapted for classroom 
purposes and may be recommended to instructors as a work that will 
lighten their labors in a most difficult field. 

Eneas B. Goodwin 

Loyola University 

Oliver Pollock: Life and Times of an Unknown Patriot. By James Alton 
James. New York, D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937. Pp. xiii + 376. 


"From the opening of the Revolution, my soul panted for the success 
of the American arms, nor could I omit any opportunity of manifesting the 
sincerity and ardor of those feelings, when it was in my power to be useful 
either to the public interest or to any individuals who had embarked their 
fortunes and their lives in an enterprise so hazardous and so glorious." 
These words of Pollock are the first lines of the opening chapter of this 
book, and we find near the conclusion of the last chapter: "But his life 
must be recalled as that of a patriot whose eagerness to serve and willing- 
ness to sacrifice for his country have not been surpassed in our history." 
What falls between bears out those statements, as well as that of the 
blurb, which declares: "Pollock provided the financial support for George 
Rogers Clark's conquest of the Northwest for the United States, and in so 
doing made the greatest money contribution of any individual to the Rev- 
olutionary cause." 

No man is better equipped for writing on Revolutionary times in the 
West than Dr. James, whose admirable Life of George Rogers Clark has 
won so much well-merited commendation. The great body of the present 


work is devoted to those times, though Pollock is skillfully kept in the 
foreground at every shifting of the scene. The author has for years past 
devoted himself to his chosen field and has gleaned every available docu- 
mentary item pertaining to his present subject. Much of the background 
had already been prepared by his personal research and contributions in 
article and book form. Suffice it then to say of the author that his latest 
production yields no whit in its many excellences to his earlier work. 

Outside of documentary accounts, a Protestant minister, Reverend 
Horace G. Hayden, in the Magazine of American History and in a bi- 
ographical sketch written in 1883, was the first writer to call attention to 
the extraordinary part played by the Catholic patriot in winning American 
freedom. After his days, articles touching on Pollock's enterprise have ap- 
peared from time to time in newspapers and historical reviews, especially 
those of Dr. James and Bodley Temple in The Mississippi Valley Historical 
Review, and Joseph J. Thompson and Margaret B. Downing in the Illinois 
Catholic Historical Review. In 1937, shortly after the appearance of Dr. 
James' book, William F. Mullaney, O. M. I., published his master's disserta- 
tion in Historical Records and Studies (XXVIII) under the title "Oliver 
Pollock, Catholic Patriot and Financeer of the American Revolution," a 
work of seventy-two pages. Both these recent authors are justified in their 
respective choices of title. It is no reflection on either of these patient 
searchers that there are not a few, even important items regarding their 
subject still unknown. Both take it for granted that Pollock was a convert 
to Catholicity, but there is little else known of his Catholic life. His first 
wife was Protestant, though her family name was O'Brien. The old Scottish 
clan of Pollock kept the faith of its fathers down to the fall of the Stuarts, 
at least, at which time the branch that had gone to Ireland turned Protestant 
and changed the name to Polk. The question arises as to whether the Pol- 
locks, as distinct from the Polks, were not Catholics when they arrived in 
America. Later, the families of Oliver's brothers in Pennsylvania were 
Protestant. Pollock spent the last years of his life in Pinckneyville, Mis- 
sissippi, and of this long period the historians have no word to tell us, 
except that he died there on December 17 or 18, 1823. "Careful search," 
writes Dr. James, "has not revealed the exact place of his burial." 

St. Louis University 

Tales from the French Folk-lore of Missouri. By J. M. Carriere. Evanston 
and Chicago, Northwestern University Studies in Humanities No. 1, 
1937. Pp. viii + 354. $4. 

The object in collecting these stories was to save from oblivion the 
folklore tales of the Creoles of Missouri, and to use them as a basis for a 
further study of comparative folklore. The tales, seventy-three in number, 
are printed in French as they were told to the author by two conteurs of 
Old Mines, Missouri. In the district of St. Genevieve, there are about six 
hundred French families, the descendants of the pioneers who settled at 
the end of the seventeenth century on the east bank of the Mississippi, at 
Kaskaskias, Prairie du Rocher, Fort de Chartres. This ethnic group re- 
mained isolated, and acquired and retained the provincialism which is the 
result of such isolation. But, notes the author in the introduction, great 


transformations have taken place during the last ten or fifteen years, 
owing to the automobile, the radio, and the moving pictures. American ways 
are undermining more and more the old French background, especially with 
the younger people; French language and traditions are rapidly passing. 
Besides these external causes, the decline of the Missouri French is to be 
attributed to its limitations and to the cultural level of those who speak it, 
and the lack of French schooling of any sort. The decay could perhaps have 
been retarded if the custom of preaching in French in the Church had not 
been discontinued about forty years ago. An audience in the vicinity of 
Lafayette, Louisiana, some years ago, reacted in a similar way to the 
present reviewer's address, as the congregation of Old Mines reacted to 
the sermon of Father Van Tourenhout, and for the same reason as that 
given by Dr. Carriere. 

Dr. Carriere found as informants two conteurs whose memory are 
typical of such narrators. They were able to repeat a folk tale using the 
same words, the same pauses, and intonation as they had previously em- 
ployed. This phenomenon, constantly observed where tradition from mouth 
to mouth is the medium of transmission of the events of the past, is one of 
the reasons for accepting as trustworthy evidence, at least the substance 
of the contents of a certain class of folk tales and legends. With regard 
to the time when the pioneers crossed the Mississippi to found a permanent 
settlement on the west bank of the river, the author gives the date as 1735. 
This date is commonly accepted, although it rests on very flimsy docu- 
mentary evidence and is contradicted by other evidence, which sets the 
date nearly fifteen years later. The detail, however, changes in no wise the 
obvious value of the book. The author promises a study based on these 
tales, which will, if we judge by this example of his industry, be of great 
use to others than folklorists, for the information supplied by such studies 
goes much deeper, and gives a better insight into the past than mere re- 
corded history. 


Loyola University 

The Society of the Sacred Heart in North America. By Louise Callan. New 
York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1937. Pp. xvii + 809. $5. 

The best review of this book has been written by the critic most com- 
petent to write it. It is largely a story of the Frontier, and more specifically 
of religion on the Frontier. In this field no Catholic pen, nor any other pen 
for that matter, has done work of more consistently high calibre than that 
of Gilbert J. Garraghan, the announcement of whose three volumes on the 
Jesuits in the Middle United States was recently made. The book under 
review is similar to Father Garraghan's work, though somewhat less am- 
bitious in scope. It was fitting, therefore, that he should write its Introduc- 
tion. If the reader had his comments before him, there would be no need 
for this review. 

"All the constituents of history writing at its best," writes Father 
Garraghan, "are here put to account: wide research, accurate documenta- 
tion, reasoned interpretation, agreeable presentation." He calls Macaulay 
to witness that the Church of Rome has a place in her system for women 
who consecrate their lives to the ser\'ice of Christ and the care of souls. 


He concludes with the remark, significant and authoritative in the context, 
that: "Any future general history of education in the United States or 
Canada making claim to adequacy of treatment must put to account the 
fund of educational data set out in this volume at once with scholarly pre- 
cision and literary excellence of presentation." 

But if the book is a contribution to the history of education, this is 
only a part of its story. A remarkable group of women, captained by a 
remarkable saint whose qualities of heart, mind, and will have left an 
enduring impress on their Society, rose out of the debris, material and moral, 
left by the French Revolution to devote themselves to the revival of re- 
ligion in France. In 1818 one of this group, Rose Philippine Duchesne, 
whose heroicity in virtue has already received the official stamp of Rome, 
led their first mission band to the banks of the Mississippi. There, at the 
gateway of the western plains, they shared the hardships and the exalted 
enthusiasm of the dynamic, crude, and raucous Frontier. Their early founda- 
tions were retarded, and ennobled, by debt, privation, and suffering. But 
they possessed a calm courage, constancy, and cheerfulness, which drew 
inspiration and strength from an inner source. To allude to their devotion 
to the Heart of Christ is no mere pious reflection. In fact, the omission of 
this essential feature would be decidedly unhistorical. 

From St. Louis the Society spread north, south, east, and west, to 
either coast, to Canada, Mexico, the Antilles and, eventually to Tokio. But 
running through the whole vivid and dramatic narrative there is an im- 
portant historical fact which is nowhere explicitly stated. It is the de- 
pendence of the infant and adolescent Church in America upon the mission 
spirit of Europe and particularly France. The men and women who labored 
to Christianize and refine our advancing civilization were recruited largely 
in Europe. The material means indispensable to their successful apostolate, 
and to their existence itself, came from the uncalculating charity of the 
distant homeland. Need we pause to reassess the overstressed economic 
interpretations of Frontier life? 

Mother Callan's book will be read with a justifiable pride in the closed 
circle of the Sacred Heart Alunmae, where it will be regarded as a family 
history. But it should have a much wider appeal. To the complete outsider 
it will be a wholesome revelation. It is, however, among the friendly rivals 
who are engaged in similar work, but with a slightly different background, 
that it should be most welcome. It may serve as a model and an inspiration 
to others who have the ability and the opportunity to produce the mono- 
graphs we need if a definitive history of the Catholic Church in America 
is ever to be written. The publisher, incidentally, is to be complimented on 
a volume that is worth its price. 


St. Louis University 

The Explorers of North America, 11^92-1806. By John Bartlet Brebner. New 
York, Macmillan, 1937. Pp. xvi + 502, with maps. $4. 

Professor Brebner has made this volume a truly great book. He has 
followed the classic statement of Macaulay on the writing of history, as a 
combination of poetry and philosophy, an amalgam most difficult to reach 
in our modem, scientifically-minded world. His fine use of language, his 


kindly yet penetrating eye for truth, his thorough knowledge of the factual 
elements and evidence: all these are built into the structural unity of an 
artistic whole such as few writers attain. 

The subject matter has long been known in the various narratives left 
by the pioneers of exploration in North America. Discoverers and con- 
querors, traders, statesmen, and missionaries, all took part in the grand 
romance of finding and opening up this continent. Historians have edited 
their journals, built texts on their story, taught collegians and directed 
graduates along the rich lines of research in their adventures and accom- 
plishments. Meantime everyone awaited the artist who would finally weave 
this narrative into an enduring piece of literature, somewhat as Parkman 
did for segments of that long epic of the founders of America. 

Pages might well be written on the book in hand, but this reviewer 
feels that he will best fulfill his task by inviting the reader to his own per- 
sonal search and joy in absorbing the fine narrative of Brebner. The tour 
will take him through a wonderful epoch, the march of heroic men over 
all the virgin American world. The guide is highly qualified and gifted with 
the rare power of story turned in abiding literature. The printer offers at- 
tractive format in excellent binding. Men who appreciate the art of writing 
humane history will long praise this permanent member in our society of 
great books. 

W. Eugene Shiels 

Loyola University 

Victoria's Guardian Angel: A Study of Baron Stockmar. By Pierre Crabitfes. 
New York, E. P. Button and Company, 1938. Pp. ix+289. $3. 

The literature on Victoria and her era has developed tremendously 
since Strachey's biography, and the controversial nature of the present 
volume foreshadows continued interpretations of the "great queen." The 
"Guardian Angel" of the early Victorian era was the German nobleman 
doctor, Baron Christian Friedrich Stockmar. This man of mystery at Wind- 
sor has been familiar to students of Victoria, but nationalistic censorship 
concerning the queen's early years of feminine frivolity and capriciousness 
has minimized the general knowledge of this prime molder of royal char- 
acter. Judge Crabit^s, who has recently written on Egypt, Czechoslovakia, 
Henry VIII's divorce, and Spain, seeks herein to rehabilitate the prestige 
and influence of "Stocky" as the determining spirit of Victorianism. 

Stockmar first appeared in England as the friend and personal physi- 
cian of the Coburg Leopold, husband of Princess Charlotte and later King 
of the Belgians. Thus the German doctor became the confidant and adviser 
of Leopold's favorite niece, the queen. Until his death, thirty years later, 
the alien stood behind Victoria entering into the major decisions at Court. 
Impeccably honest, disinterested of fame or personal honor, familiarly ac- 
quainted with the leading politicians of the day, the baron had his pres- 
tige mightily increased by paternalism toward the royal consort, Albert, 
in whose selection the doctor enjoyed a predominant, as well as an oflacial, 
role. Albert's influence on Victoria is general knowledge, but Stockmar's 
advisement of Albert is not as universally recognized. The author contends 
that the most vital accomplishment of Victoria's "Guardian Angel" was the 
salvation, at a critical period, of the English monarchy, which had suffered 


a definite moral degradation. Insisting ". . . that the English machine 
works smoothly and well only when the Sovereign is upright and truthful 
and that when he has been insincere, mendacious and wicked, it has 
creaked and fouled and jolted to within an ace of coming to a dead- 
lock . . .," Stockraar's advice caused Victoria personally to reform and to 
establish a moral tone within the court life which the nation might imi- 
tate. This royal and official adherence to a narrow morality, which we mod- 
ems characterize as "Victorianism," saved the monarchy for England, and 
the recent abdication of an English king is thereby traceable to the baron's 
influence. The educational program devised for the Prince of Wales, Ed- 
ward, was the other pre-eminent accomplishment of the "Angel." 

The author's contention regarding Stockmar's importance runs con- 
trary to Benson's emphasis upon Victoria's ability of independent decision. 
Developed mainly from the autobiographical Denkwiirdigkeiten, the work 
is supplemented by references to contemporary letters and diaries, and to 
the better biographies of the leading personalities. It might be maintained 
that the text consists of too many and too lengthy quotations, neverthe- 
less, the entire work is characterized by readability, simplicity, and general 
accuracy. Although a volume to be considered by students of Victoria, the 
study is not a valid discussion of the Victorian Era. It is primarily con- 
cerned with the Court, its intrigues and personages. The reader looks in 
vain for any reference to, or council on, the greater movements : capitalism, 
industrial change and conflict, chartism, labor reform, free trade. Finally 
this work, by emphasizing one adviser's contributions, unduly minimizes 
the other numerous influences surrounding Victoria. 

Edward p. Lilly 

Loyola University 

The History of [Lowerl California. By Don Francisco Javier Clavijero, S. J. 
Translated and edited by Sara E. Lake and A. A. Gray. Stanford Uni- 
versity Press, California. 1938. Pp. xxvii + 413. $4. 

In supplying the students and interested public of the United States and 
Great Britain with this English translation of a rare work on one phase of 
the achievement of Catholic missionaries of Spanish America the authors 
have rendered a distinct service. With the possible exception of the larger 
and earlier publication of Miguel Venegas, Clavijero's volume is the most 
useful single work on the history of Lower California that appeared before 
the present century. Although it deals with a comparatively unimportant 
section of Spain's vast American empire, for the careful and judicious 
reader it will shed much light on the whole theme of the mission's place in 
the Spanish colonial system as well as on the mind and spirit of the re- 
ligious workers on every frontier. 

Great as has been their service to scholarship in the English-speaking 
world, the translators have fallen short of the best standards in editorial 
achievement. In the opinion of the reviewer, their introduction should have 
presented three things: (1) a concise and accurate sketch of Lower Cali- 
fornia under the Jesuits, (2) a similar sketch of the life of Clavijero, and 
(3) a careful description of the bibliography of this Jesuit period of Baja 


California history. Of these three, only the first and second were attempted, 
and these were presented imperfectly. 

Among the several errors in their introduction, the following may be 
noted in this review. Father Nobrega of Brazilian fame appears as Father 
Nombreza; Father Azevado and his followers were not killed by the Bra- 
zilian Indians, for they never reached Brazil, and they died in 1570 instead 
of 1579; the Jesuits were expelled from Brazil in 1759, not in 1768; and the 
members of the Company reached Mexico first in 1572 instead of 1571. It 
should also be added that the account of the studies and teaching of 
Clavijero is rather confused. 

The volume contains two useful maps, one taken from Clavijero's 
history and the other drawn presumably by the translators. The use of 
both the grave and the acute accent in this edition leaves the reader some- 
what puzzled. Some explanation of this usage should have been given in 
the preface or in a footnote. 

University of Chicago 

Con trib u tors 

Jerome V. Jacohsen, S. J., Ph. D., is Professor of History at 
Loyola University, Chicago, and editor of Mid-America. 

Edward R. Vollmar is a graduate student at St. Louis Uni- 
versity, St. Louis, Missouri. 

Thomas F. O'Connor, M. A., is a member of the Department 
of History of St. MichaeVs College, WinoosM Park, Vermont. 

Reginald C. Reindorp is Professor of Spanish at St. Edward's 
University, Austin, Texa^. 




















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JULY, 1938 


Father Baegert and His Nachrichten 

Anyone interested in the colonial history of the southwest 
coast must give due consideration to the writings of Father 
Jacob Baegert. In his descriptions of the remote American penin- 
sula of Lower California, written for the immediate enlighten- 
ment of Europeans, the sturdy missionary brought together an 
abundant fund of information for posterity, gathered during his 
sojourn of seventeen years. Most illuminating to students has 
been his Nachrichten, which was published in 1772 and later 
republished, re-edited, and translated in part in other than the 
German language.^ Therein will be found the views and feelings 
of a European missionary laboring at his calling in a far off 
province. Therein will also be found ethnological data about the 
inhabitants of early California and information about the coun- 
try, as well as numerous odd tales and curious events of bygone 
ages. But, when the historian tries to gather data concerning 
the father himself who worked and thus wrote, and when he 
wishes to pry into the more personal affairs of Baegert's life, 
he notices the lack of material and is blocked by a definite 

Most authorities give the place of his birth as Schlettstadt 
in Upper Alsace, and there is unanimity with regard to the year 
in which it took place, 1717.^ He was admitted to the novitiate 
of the Society of Jesus on September 27, 1736, and became a 
member of the Upper Rhine Province. He was sent to California 
in 1751 to co-operate with the other Jesuits in charge of that 
field, and there he served without interruption until the year of 
the expulsion of the Jesuits from all the provinces and cities of 

1 Jacob J. Baegert, Nachrichten von der Americanischen Halbinsel Ca- 
lif ornien: mit einem zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nachrichten, Mannheim, 

2 Augustin de Backer, Bibliotheque des ^crivains de la Compagnie de 
Jesus, Li6ge, 1869, I, 491, offers November 22, 1717, as the date of his birth. 
The later edition of Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliotheque de la Compagnie de 
Jesus, Paris, 1890, I, 759, gives December 22, 1717. 



New Spain in 1767. He was among the sixteen who were deported 
from California. 3 He died probably in December, 1772, at Neu- 
burg in Bavaria, shortly after his book was published. These 
rather meager data are all that are known of Father Baegert. 
From a letter he wrote to his brother on September 11, 1752,* 
we learn that he worked in the mission, often called St. Aloysius 
Gonzaga, to which the Spanish applied the name San Luis Gon- 
zaga. In his book he preserves his anonymity by not even men- 
tioning the name of his mission, which, however, can be easily 
identified by the geographical position he describes. According 
to this, his mission was situated near the twenty-fifth degree of 
latitude, thirty miles from the Pacific Ocean, opposite the Bay 
of Santa Magdalena. The fact of the anonymous authorship of 
the book, so clearly proven to be his by comparison with his 
earlier letter, is a very interesting problem and may be a key 
to the situation of the author at the time when he wrote his 
book. As one of the many Jesuits deprived of the field of labor 
and rewarded for effort and service by false denunciations, he 
set himself to writing the story of his seventeen years in Cali- 
fornia. The Nachrichten was intended to contribute news and at 
the same time Baegert's share of true information to a curious 
public in Europe, which, easily deceived and generally gullible 
about affairs in so distant a place, had come to believe the tales 
of applause-seeking adventurers who recounted the wonders of 
California. Among the number of "idle liars" chosen by Baegert 
for a tongue lashing was a member of his own order, not named 
but well known to persons interested because of the success of 
his often translated work.^ This Jesuit writer was thought at 
the time to be Miguel Venegas, though recent research proved 
him to be Andres Marcos Burriel.*^ Baegert spared the author of 

3 An account of this was written by Peter M. Dunne, "The Expulsion of 
the Jesuits from New Spain, 1767," in Mid-America, XIX (January, 1937), 

4 Father Jacob Baegert, S. J. Brief eines Elsaessers aus Calif ornien in 
Nord-amerika an seinen Bruder in Schlettstadt 1752 von Pater Jacob Bae- 
gert d, G. J. Aus dem Patriotischen Elsaesser, Strassburg und Colmar, 1777. 
Californien, in der Mission des H. Aloysii den llten September 1752. 

5 Noticia de la Calif oryiia y de su conquista temporal, y espiritual, hasta> 
el Tiempo Presente. Sacada de la Historia Manuscrita, Formada en Mex- 
ico ano de 1739, por el Padre Miguel Venegas; y de Otras Noticias, y rela- 
ciones antiguas, y modernas, Madrid, 1757, 3 volumes. An English version 
and second edition appeared in London in 1759 and 1764 respectively. Trans- 
lations from this, more or less complete, were published in Dutch (Harlen, 
1761, 2 volumes), in French (Paris, 1767, 3 volumes), in German (Lemgo, 
Lippe, 1769, 1 volume). 

6 Charles E. Chapman, A History of California: the Spanish Period, 
New York, 1925, 492. 


the Noticia de la California no criticism in his exposition of what 
he considered falsehoods. 

Especially convinced of the uselessness of long introductions 
and lengthy discussions, embellishments, and lists, which would 
only make the book more expensive (Venegas' book was in three 
volumes) , Father Baegert warned the reader that a little digres- 
sion into the moral of his story must be forgiven him. His call- 
ing and profession would furnish the excuse for this, and for 
his mistakes in grammar and spelling seventeen years among 
the heathen savages were to be blamed. There is one interesting 
little phrase to be noticed in this connection, which states that 
he might spell some of the words wrongly for lack of practice, 
but that he intended deliberately to spell some of them "wrong" 
according to modern rules, for he thought these absurd and 
opposed them as unjustified innovations. The stubborn father 
preferred to spell seventeen years behind the times. 

Father Baegert begins his book with the following sentence : 
"Conditions are so wretched in California that it is not worth 
the effort to begin to write about this country." He then tells 
the reader that he must expect neither great wonders of nature 
nor special incidents, nor occurrences of consequence. California, 
he maintains, is not the land to produce the last named, and it 
has not pleased God to put into it any of the former. Thus, his 
introduction sounds like a war trumpet heralding a vigorous 
protest to previous literature, and yet the reader, so coldly dis- 
couraged, is caught by the technique of the author. Baegert 
knew how to insure the curiosity of his reaaer. One was apt to 
be curious when told in effect, there is not a thing worth reading 
in these pages about California; he would wonder v\/^hat the au- 
thor was up to who thus put 358 printed pages in his hand. The 
challenge to read was combined with the temptation to find out 
what the author was attempting to prove in opposition to the 
statements of a fellow missionary. This belligerent type of ap- 
proach has many a modern adherent. 

Father Baegert gives as his authority and source his own 
experience during seventeen years of labor in the land, refusing 
to rely upon the word of any other, much less upon the fore- 
mentioned book, which he had read long ago and had entirely 
forgotten. This is promise of an interesting personal account 
without glorification, and the reader is not disappointed in it. 

The book is divided into three parts. The first treats of the 
topography, physical geography, geology, and natural history of 


the peninsula ; the second is about the inhabitants, their life and 
customs ; and the third gives briefly the history of the missions. 
There are added two appendices of "false information" in which 
the author refutes, sentence by sentence, the exaggerated reports 
that had been previously published about California, being par- 
ticularly severe on Venegas' Noticia de la California, which, by 
the way, was supposed to have been forgotten. 

Each of his chapters furnishes ample opportunity to the au- 
thor for comparing conditions in California with those surround- 
ing him in Europe at the time when he was writing his work. 
In a Tacitean fashion he rebukes the luxury and extravagance 
of his countrymen and praises the simplicity of the savage. This 
attitude is often rather hard to visualize, since the rudeness of 
the "extravagance" on the one hand, and the doubtful merit of 
the savage "simplicity" of the Indians on the other appear very 
rustic in comparison with the classic example of Tacitus. And, in 
all respect to the serious endeavor of the writer to understand 
the times and circumstances under which he wrote, the reader 
of today will find a smile awaiting him between the lines. 

What in the earlier letter of Baegert to his brother strikes 
us as homesickness, cropping out especially in his references to 
the woods of Hagenau and the rivers and cattle herds of Alsace, 
becomes pity for a country so desolate and sterile as the Cali- 
fornia desert of his book. The disappointment apparent in the 
letter of 1752 could not have been caused entirely by erroneous 
hopes, since little was known to him about California prior to 
his arrival. The Venegas-Burriel description was published only 
in 1757. Yet Baegert's earlier unsympathetic account was just as 
strongly worded as that in his later book. He was, it seems clear, 
under no delusions with respect to the land either at the begin- 
ning or at the end of his missionary career. To him the strange 
destinies of this forlorn people was a source of wonderment, and 
so was the foolishness — with due respect to the Christian mo- 
tive — of the king and nobles in spending so much money on Cali- 
fornia. Still, his Nachrichten added a certain note of resentment 
toward the land, and this change had been brought about most 
probably by the lies and persecution which came in return for 
honest labor. The distinct purpose of the book was to tell the 
truth, in which Father Baegert saw the best weapon of defense 
in the controversy between the Jesuits and their sovereign. A 
truthful description of the land and people would clear the So- 
ciety of accusations of self-aggrandizement. This was indeed an 


excellent opportunity for a man whose spirit had been trained 
by years of labor, disappointment, success, failure, and final per- 
secution and exile, and who, still convinced of the value of his 
work, which his belief never let him doubt, wanted to tell the 
simple truth as the best evidence and a lasting record of the 
advancement of civilization. 

About Father Jacob's trip to California we have not only 
the interesting phases recorded in his letter, which was discov- 
ered in Bohemia a short time ago, but also the interpretation of 
the episode which makes this trip a permanent monument in the 
pages of the Rim of Christendom by Herbert E. Bolton.^ Father 
Baegert was prepared by this trip through the wilderness and 
deserted countryside for the "thorny heap of stones and the 
pathless, waterless rock, rising between two oceans" which con- 
stituted California to him. This province, 750 miles in length, 
and 50 miles wide, which was almost as wide as the entire 
Swabian and Bavarian districts, the size of a truly respectable 
principality if judged by geographic extent, seemed to him des- 
olate. And he assures his reader that the Catholic king would 
not express his favor by investing anyone with California as a 
fief, and that a village of a hundred peasants would be of more 
value to one who seeks the riches of this world than the position 
of prince or Hospodar^ in California. Reflecting this summary of 
his impressions. Father Jacob arrives at the conclusion that Cali- 
fornia is without exception the most miserable country under the 
sun, or, if an equally miserable or worse one was ever discovered 
by the Argonauts, then California was used by the Almighty 
Creator as a model for making it. 

However bad the country seemed to him, there was a kind 
sun shining throughout the year and bringing warm weather, 
and this lovely warm climate constitutes the author's only occa- 
sion for a favorable comment. He tells us of the story which was 
then current among those interested in determining the origin 
of the name California, that it was supposedly derived from the 
Latin Calida fornax, or warm oven. Although he does not agree 
as to the deduction of the word, he thinks that it is at least a 
close description. The scarcity of rain in this "hot oven" made 
him believe that the heavens were close to California. The few 
standing waters of varying sizes are described as of different 

7 Herbert Eugene Bolton, Rim of Christendom, a Biography of Eusebio 
Francisco Kino, Pacific Coast Pioneer, New York, 1936, 235-238. 

8 A title bom formerly by the vassal princes of Moldavia and Wal- 


natures, some green with putrefaction, some well salted, others 
bright and clean, and all of them serving for drinking purposes. 
It is in these "cellars" that the Californians draw their Rhine 
and Moselle wine. 

After this description, it is not astonishing to learn in the 
next chapter that the country is bare and the soil sterile, that 
no shade is to be found any place except behind a mountain or 
rock or in a grave. This was hard luck for the missionaries who 
had to move about so much in the fulfillment of their priestly 
duties. Around the few rare oases of which Father Baegert 
knows, he tells us that the vegetation was extraordinary. Wher- 
ever on those few moist patches a seed was planted, marvelous 
growth was the result. 

Thus passing to the growing things, Baegert gives much in- 
formation. There is nothing in California worthy of the name 
tree. Brushes, bushes, shrubbery, and thorns are the only plants 
that can stand the everlasting heat, can survive on rocks, and 
live on little water. The grass, growing only after the rain, is 
much too thin to be cut for hay. All the horses and mules, don- 
keys, cows, and oxen run about the whole year, day and night, 
in the open lands, upon the mountains, and in the valleys seeking 
the grass. Such is their sustenance until they are needed or until 
they die of hunger. For human nourishment the sweet and sour 
Pitahaya constitutes the chief fruit. In fact, a well-grown fruit 
of this kind would be suitable for any king's table we are told. 
And for the Indians, the time of the harvest of the Pitahaya is 
the time of prosperity; they eat and grow fat, and they sing and 
dance more than usual. 

Baegert switches over to the animal kingdom of California. 
The number is not very large, as might be expected in a country 
too poor for elephants, tigers, or camels. But the hare, coyote, 
wildcat, leopard, and wild goat live there on a scanty diet. These 
goats, in fact, had a curious habit of throwing themselves, when 
pursued, from the highest mountain, landing on their horns with- 
out harm to themselves. Such wonders were told to Father Bae- 
gert, who admits never having seen the phenomena, and it is 
hard to judge whether he is sorry that he cannot quite believe 
the miracle or whether California does not seem to him worthy 
of any miracles. The latter interpretation appears more probable 
since no miracle can surpass the horror of the pest of snakes, 
insects, and grasshoppers, which he takes such great pains to 


describe in minute detail. One of the fathers, Ignacio Thirs,^ even 
went so far as to compose "elegant verses" upon the subject of 
the disgusting reptiles, we are told. 

After discussing the flora and fauna, Father Baegert goes 
one step farther in his second part, introducing to us the in- 
habitants of California. A long discussion on the numbers of the 
Indians, not only of California, but of all North America, is in 
its detail more an attack on Burriel's statements than an inde- 
pendent study. The many small tribes in Lower California, none 
of which had more than five hundred members and all of whom 
spoke varying tongues, were difficult for the missionaries to 
handle. It was therefore necessary to maintain the fifteen mis- 
sions existing at the time Father Baegert worked on the penin- 
sula, if the Christianization and the civilization were to be of 
any success. The Indians, living scattered over the whole ter- 
ritory, were not willing to concentrate anywhere or to settle. Nor 
would an attempt to settle them have been possible since there 
could be no livelihood provided for a large number at any one 
mission in California. Father Baegert, observing the existence 
of these semi-nomads who lived ever and always under the open 
sky, spending their entire lives hunting, eating, and sleeping, 
wondered where such people came from. Nothing in it seemed 
capable of attracting any human being to this desolate spot. 
Baegert could not find a satisfying answer to the riddle of na- 
tive origin and existence, and, upon questioning the Indians 
as to where they came from, he learned that they believed they 
had come from a bird, which did not help him much. 

Describing their ways of life, he tells about the possessions 
and household goods of the Californians. The "dear ground" is 
for them their dining and card table, their chair, their couch and 
bedroom, kitchen and dining hall; the harsh clilfs and mountains 
are their curtains and tapestries, and their fathom-deep mirrors 
and mirror rooms are the ever standing marshes and puddles. 

Here may be easily found Baegert's reason for calling Rous- 
seau a "wretched fanatic." Coming from nearly two decades of 
work in California, he had of course no use for the rococo spirit 
of Versailles, Sans-Souci, Nymphenburg, or Miramar. He had 
even less appreciation and no sympathy for an Emile. He had 
known the savage man, the Emile, and he was by no means ready 

9 Thiirsch, the German spelling, from the Bohemian Gometz, was in 
charge of the mission, Santiago. See Bancroft, History of North Mexican 
States and Texas, San Francisco, 1884, 468, note 17. 


to turn back the clock of the civilization of mankind, nor was he 
likely to forget the message of Him who said "Follow me, I am 
the light." Backwardness was nothing ideal to Father Baegert, 
and knowledge of the actual condition of portions of human kind 
and of man's weakness and potentialities made him frown upon 
the laced cleverness of the rationalists as well as upon the enthu- 
siasm of the new romanticists. 

Polygamy, clannishness, strife, and struggle with an unkind 
nature made the Californians a people whose characteristics he 
summed up in the following words: stupid, clumsy, boorish, 
slovenly, impudent, thankless, shy, lazy, gossiping, and addicted 
to lying. Noble savages, indeed! 

To teach them the Lord's prayer, of which nine words were 
lacking from their vocabulary, was a task undertaken for God 
and with His inspiration. Labor and learning, enthusiasm and pa- 
tience were put into it with a hope of saving a few more souls 
from damnation. By-products of his teaching and mastery of the 
native tongues turn up in unexpected places. His written preser- 
vation, for instance, of a whole verb and other examples of the 
Waicuri language, which neither Clavijero^° nor Burriel at- 
tempted, is documentary evidence of serious endeavor and hard 
labor and is of great value for the ethnologist of today. 

The customs of the Indians in their family relationships and 
their mode of living, if such a fight for mere existence may be 
called, were given accurately and truthfully. And here it may 
be stated that, whatever criticism of the general attitude of the 
author one may offer, there is no reason to doubt his seriousness 
at any time. From the level of a mere controversial pamphlet his 
book rises to a document based on seventeen years of practical 
work under difficulties and with modest success. In his endeavor 
to paint a true picture and to refute the ideas of Burriel, he may 
have leaned a little too much to the negative side. Yet, in view 
of the circumstances of a misunderstanding century, of Jansenist 
attack, of reaction, and of the growth of new ideas little compre- 
hended by one who spent years of his life on a project that was 
then questioned in its entirety, his endeavor to be serious is 
easily recognized. Especially in his descriptive pages does the 
author provide us with data of real interest. 

In his third part a short history of the missions is given. The 

10 Francisco Javier Clavigero, Storia della California, Venezia, 1789. 
This work has recently been translated into English by Sara E. Lake and 
A. A. Gray, The History of [Lower^ California, Stanford University Press, 
California, 1938. 


coming of the Spanish, Father Salvatierra's work in the found- 
ing of Loreto and Father Kino's struggles and successes, better 
known to us from other sources, are sympathetically related. In 
describing the zeal and the work of his brethren, Baegert finds 
the best means of refuting the unjust charges of the hostile 
groups. In his pages the generosity of the founders finds an hon- 
orable mention, for he felt that they should be mentioned "out 
of a sense of thankfulness and for the sake of glory which is 
owing to the esteemed founders and benefactors."^^ 

Nothing particularly new to the historian is to be found in 
those pages. What makes that part of Baegert's book worth read- 
ing is the development of such an enterprise of the Jesuit order 
as that of the small unit on the California peninsula. It mirrors 
in detail what had been going on on a large scale in all of New 
Spain. And the growth of this plant of European civilization on 
the soil of a far off province, up to the moment of the expulsion 
of the Jesuits in 1767, is one instance where the whole can be 
understood by the analysis of a part. 

Not only does the history seem much like that of the main- 
land missions, but the administration of these fifteen missions was 
similar. The revenues, the money spent, the accounts kept by the 
procurator in Mexico City, the supplies sent annually, all this is 
familiar ground to the student of the Spanish period in Mexico. 
One phase of particular interest, however, is found in the pas- 
sage where Baegert describes and defends the relatively luxuri- 
ous church ornamentations and the wealth of precious things in 
the mission churches. He tells us how in this wretched country 
there was so few means of conveying a real spirit of worship to 
the neophytes that the missionaries took pains to buy with the 
little money left over from their allowance, or sometimes saved 
at the sacrifice of personal needs, the most beautiful silver and 
gold plate, embroideries and tapestries, and new vestments thus 
to dignify the service. He states that some of the California 
churches might well stand comparison with fine European 
churches, and he seizes upon the opportunity to reproach the 
European priesthood with lack of pride in their churches and 
neglect of the service. He comments especially upon the untir- 

11 Of fifteen missions six were founded by the Marquis de la Villa 
Puente. The list of missions is given as follows, different from Burriel- 
Venegas in a few instances: San Jos6 del Cabo, 1720; Santiago, 1721; Todos 
Santos, 1720; Nuestra Senora de los Dolores del Sur, 1721; San Luis Gon- 
zaga, 1757; San Javier, 1699; Loreto, 1697; San Jos6 de Coraodu, 1708; La 
Purissima Concepci6n, 1715; Santa Rosalia, 1705; Guadalupe, 1720; San 
Ignacio, 1728; Santa Gertrudis, 1751; San Borgia, 1766. 


ing labor of Father Javier Bischoff of Bohemia, who taught the 
Indians to sing, which music, he said, did not sound bad. It 
seemed only just to him at this point to digress a little into a 
description of the joy of the Jesuits in the acquisition of every 
little thing won by their labor for the ornamentation of their 
churches and services. In the 25th Psalm one reads "Domine 
dilexi decorem domus tuae," (Lord I have loved the beauty of 
Thy house), and he concludes, "Let us leave to the Lutherans 
and Calvinists their empty sacrament tables." 

The church service of the mission was of course the center 
of interest, yet there were other fields in which the fathers had 
to be versatile and skilled. Agriculture and cattle raising were 
part of the fight for the existence of a thrifty mission. Much 
labor had to be invested with little return. Hardly any of the 
missions could be self-supporting. There was an annual pack- 
train from Mexico City with goods for the missions by way of 
Matanchel whence they came by boat to Loreto. There the goods 
were stored, registered, and administered in the arsenal by two 
brothers. However, the food supplies had to be brought more 
frequently, so the two Loreto boats often crossed the gulf to 
get a thousand sacks of grain, meat, sugar, and dried goods as 
well as horses and other things needed immediately. 

For the orderly maintenance of the little commonwealth some 
military help was provided by the king. At the beginning one 
soldier was stationed in every mission. After the uprising in the 
South in 1734, however, the soldiers were distributed according 
to the danger prevailing in the different mission districts. Father 
Jacob had five soldiers in 1752 when he took over Mission San 
Luis Gonzaga. 

There is a feeling of sympathy which comes upon the reader 
as he goes through the pages wherein Baegert describes the life 
of the soldiers, sailors, cowherds, and trades people, and the few 
miners (not exceeding four hundred in number) . For such men 
were. Catholic though they professed to be, without the great 
ideals which moved the religious, living in that desolate country 
with no prospect for gain whatsoever. They were adventurers of 
a sort, content with little for the lack of something better, and 
few of them remained over a long period of time. The pearl- 
fishing and mining operated on a small scale helped only one man 
to a fortune worth mentioning and left the rest in poverty and 
debt. The revolt in the South in 1734 and the death of Fathers 
Tamaral and Carranco and of two soldiers did not encourage the 


Spanish officials to send new soldiers or to start a new conquest 
of this poor region, save after long delay; and it was disease, 
the agent of fate, more than the worldly authority of Spanish 
arms that imposed authority on the greatly reduced number of 
the Indians. 

In a special chapter Father Baegert takes an opportunity to 
ask the Protestants six questions as to the lack of missionary 
spirit among the rank of their clergy.^" But, interesting as this 
typically eighteenth century argument runs, it reveals one im- 
portant conclusion, namely. Father Baegert was of his age. 
Standing in the midst of a controversy, he had to take part in 
it ; for, seventeen years of work in loneliness and trouble had not 
taught him to stand on the sidelines while others spread ink in 
vain attacks upon this doubtlessly unique achievement of civiliz- 
ing work among the savages for the glory of the Church and 

Baegert goes to the conclusion of his book. In the midst of 
their labor the Jesuits were crudely interrupted, and the sixteen 
Fathers who had to leave California were moved as puppets, sub- 
ject to the wills of those who directed the destinies of Europe. 
The arrival of Don Caspar Portola in California, his mysterious 
behavior, and the final revelation of his mission are told in the 
next chapter. The story of the rendezvous of all the missionaries 
in Loreto, the last Mass held there on February 2, the distress of 
the helpless Indians, and the sorrow of the missionaries in leav- 
ing their neophytes and the country, are the vivid pictures that 
form the end of Baegert's account. A moving description of this 
last day reveals to us an unanticipated phenomenon: Father 
Baegert was sorry to leave this desert. Was it the power of habit 
only that made him cherish any love for the "worst country" of 
his Introduction, or was it the feeling of the loss of an occupa- 
tion which had filled a good part of his lifetime? Whatever our 
interpretation may be, Father Jacob Baegert becomes very hu- 
man in these last pages, a loving and hating, a living being. 

A few words should be given to the two appendices of false 

12 The six points concerning the Protestant clergy: (1) If the apostles 
had remained sitting in their country and at home behind the stove as their 
preachers do, what would have been the fate of the world? (2) Does or 
does not the command of Christ "Travel into all the world and preach the 
Gospel to all creatures" (Mark, XVI) apply to themselves? (3) Matthew 
XXIV: "The Gospel will be preached in all the world to all peoples." Is 
not that sentence translated in Luther's Bible? (4) What does the following 
mean: Qui non es mecum, contra me est, et qui non colligit mecum diper- 
sit? (5) The Bible says: Bonum est communicativum sui. ... (6) The mar- 
riage of their clergy ought not to be a reason for them to stay at home. 


information. The first contains the eight charges put before the 
Jesuits upon their return to Madrid, which may be of interest 
because they show the futility of the usual argumentation in 
the case of the California missions. It was charged: 

(1) "that the captain of the California Spanish militia and the 
soldiers under him are mere slaves of the Jesuits; 

(2) "that the Jesuits purposely sell provisions to the soldiers at 
a price higher than that set and ordered ; 

(3) "that they make the Calif ornians work very hard and give 
them nothing but cooked maize; [this would probably be a festive 
fare for the natives] ; 

(4) "that the mines at Santa Ana and San Antonio produce so 
little and are in such bad condition is their fault ; 

(5) "that they have silver mines in their houses; 

(6) "that in no way are they willing to permit Spanish families 
to settle in California; 

(7) "that they carry on trade with the English; 

(8) "that they tell the Calif ornians nothing about the Catholic 
king with the intention that these may not know their true overlord." 

All these charges Father Jacob rejects one by one, and he 
ridicules those who ever attempted to doubt the simple truth of 
the honest work of the Jesuits, It must be recalled here, however, 
that the public of the time, especially in Europe, was filled with 
mistrust of the Order, and the secrecy which was kept concerning 
the expulsions, and the misinformation that leaked out only natu- 
rally kindled the curiosity of the European layman.^^ 

In the second appendix Baegert attacks dilferent authors who 
contributed in spreading false information, and again in detail 
the French translation of Burriel-Venegas in the fashion used 
before, repudiating each single sentence. Then he takes up the 
Discurso de las enfermedades de la Compania por el P. Jwan de 
Mariana (Madrid 1768),^* and last of all he refers to the con- 
fusion caused by the Gazettier Ecclesiastique, or Jansenist news- 
paper, written in Paris.^^ After he advises the reader regarding 
the mistakes in these writings and thoroughly disillusions him 
once more as to the concept of California as a rich land, he ends 
by advancing one remedy for the further boasting of such au- 
thors. "Let them be shipped to the court of Madrid," he pro- 
poses, "and be made Lord, or, if unmarried, first bishop of Cali- 

13 H. H. Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States and Texas, San 
Francisco, 1884, I, 468. 

14 See Mir, Historia interna documentada de la Compania de Jesus, II. 

15 See Catholic Encyclopedia, VIII, 285-293. 


fornia. For I know that the poorest hidalgo in Spain cuts no 
smaller figure than the great Mogul of California will be able to 

There is one last remark about the money question. "The 
truth is, that not a single one of my comrades nor I who have 
been in California were asked a word concerning money or other 
matters during the entire eight months of our stay in Madrid, 
before we were allowed to travel farther. We and others could 
have experienced nothing more desirable than this questioning, 
just as, on the contrary, nothing could have been more annoying 
to our opponents. This book will voice what has been kept silent." 

For the reader of today, the Nachrichten brings to light 
many things that in time have become "silent," and aside from 
the service Father Baegert rendered to his order in publishing 
his report, his book is to us today a storehouse of data for the 
knowledge of Lower California history. 

Ursula Schaefer 

The First English-Speaking 
Parish in Illinois 

The glamor of colonial times and struggles clings to the 
names of the old French parishes of Illinois, the Immaculate 
Conception at Kaskaskia, St. Joseph's at Prairie du Rocher, and 
the Holy Family at Cahokia. These foundations have loomed 
large in the history of the early development of the Illinois coun- 
try. But the name of St. Patrick's Church at O'Hara Settlement, 
now Ruma in Randolph County, six miles southeast of Prairie 
du Rocher, has been almost completely overlooked. Yet this par- 
ish, whose first church was built in 1826, eight years after Illi- 
nois attained to statehood, was the first English-speaking parish 
in the state. As an item of the wider development it is worthy 
of some mention and consideration. 

The first of the O'Haras to settle in this district was Henry, 
who with his wife, Bridget Bolton, brought their five children to 
Kaskaskia for baptism on May 1, 1780.^ Father Pierre Gibault 
administered the sacrament to John, aged nine, Therese, aged 
seven, Marie and Bridget, four year old twins, and the youngest, 
Henrietta, about two years of age. Members of some of the prom- 
inent French families of Kaskaskia were among the group of 

The next O'Hara to dwell in this district, of whom we have 
record, was Charles O'Hara. He was among those who in 1787 

1 Regitre des Baptemes dans I'eglise de I'lmmacul^e Conception aux 
Cascakias, in St. Louis University Library, 163. The entry is as follows : 

"On the first day of May in the year 1780, I, the undersigned mission- 
ary priest of the country of the Illinois, have baptized five children of the 
legitimate marriage of Henry O'Hara and Bridget Bolton, his wife, both 
Irish of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Faith, namely, the first, John, nine 
years old, whose godfather was Louis Buyat, and godmother Charlotte 
Levasseur; the second, whose name was Therese, seven years old, whose 
godfather was Nicolas Caillot Lachanse, and whose godmother was Marie 
Louise Bienvenu; the third has been called Marie, four years old; whose 
godfather was Francis Janis, and whose godmother was Hyacinth Alarie; 
the fourth Bridget, twin with Marie, and consequently four years of age, 
whose godfather was Rene Soumande, and whose godmother was Frances 
Janis. The fifth Henrietta by name, about two years of age, whose god- 
father was Noel Levasseur, and whose godmother was Frances Thaumur; 
of whom some have signed with their own name; others have declared they 
did not know how to sign." 

Rene Soumande Nicholas Lachanse P. Gibault: Missionary Priest 

Francis Janis Marie Louise Bienvenu Henry O'Hara 
Louis Buyat 


petitioned Bartholomew Tardiveau as their agent at Congress 
for obtaining grants of the land on which they had been living 
in Illinois.- 

We have no information of the family of Henry O'Hara until 
1794, when his son John, then a man twenty-three years old, was 
a witness of the marriage of Raphael Drury and Elizabeth Mac- 
Nabb, both originally of Maryland. His signature appears below 
that of Father Gabriel Richard, the pastor at that time, in the 
marriage records of Kaskaskia.^ Archibald MacNabb, the father 
of the bride, was, like Charles O'Hara, among that group of pe- 
titioners of whom mention has just been made.* 

A second Henry O'Hara came to Randolph County in 1817 
from Maryland, having spent five years in Kentucky on the way.^ 
He was the sixth and youngest child of a Henry O'Hara, whose 
wife was of English ancestry.*' It is not impossible, and in fact, 
seems highly probable that the father of this second Henry 
O'Hara was the first O'Hara mentioned. The second Henry could 
very well have gone to Maryland for a while, leaving the older 
brother John to take care of the property in Randolph County. 

During the next few years, many Catholic families, the 
Mudds, the Donahues, the Simpsons, the Fahertys, and others, 
came to swell the number of Catholic settlers near the O'Hara 
farm. These Mudds were the first members of that prominent 
Maryland family to settle in Illinois near the Mississippi. In fact, 
the river maps still carry the name of "Mudd's Landing" on the 

From the first, Mass was offered in the home of Henry 
O'Hara, by a priest, who came once a month from Kaskaskia. 
In this regular celebration of Mass at so early a date lies St. 
Patrick's claim to primacy as an English-speaking congregation 
in Illinois. The Laity" s Directory for 1822 ^ however, makes no 
mention of O'Hara's Settlement. It lists only three parishes in 
the state of Illinois, the French parishes of Kaskaskia, Cahokia, 

2 Clarence W. Alvord, ed., Kaskaskia Records 1778-1790, Volume V, 
Part II, of Illinois Historical Collections, Springfield, 1909, 444. 

3 Regltre Des Mariages dans I'eglise de Notre Dame de I'lmmaculee 
Conception aux Caskaskias, in St. Louis University Library, entry for Feb- 
ruary 11, 1794. 

4 See above, note 2. 

5 W^. R. Brink, publisher, An Illustrated Historical Atlas of Randolph 
County, Illinois, Illinois, 1876, 27. 

e Ibid., 55. 

7 L. J. Kenny, "A Grand Old Maryland Tree," in Historical Records and 
Studies, XXV, New York, 1936, 22-23. 

166 W. B. FAHERTY 

and Prairie du Rocher.^ These appear among the churches of 
the Bardstown diocese. 

In 1826, Henry O'Hara, now on his deathbed, bequeathed a 
tract of land for the erection of a church.^ St, Patrick's was 
built of logs, under the direction of Father John Timon, a young 
Vincentian priest from the Seminary at the Barrens in Missouri. 
Of this, C. J. Deuther, the biographer of that great priest, bears 
witness: "In 1826 the extent of the missions embraced a wider 
tract of country. ... In the State of Illinois, Mr. Timon, who had 
already been raised to the priesthood in 1825, built churches in 
places known as O'Hara's and the English settlements."" 

The English Settlement was at Prairie du Long, now known 
as Hecker, about fourteen miles north of Ruma, where twelve 
families from Lancashire, England, had settled in 1816. A third 
congregation in this district was formed at Harrissonville, where 
Mass was said at irregular intervals as early as 1818.^^ Each of 
these settlements, it might be noted, was at some distance from 
the river, in contrast to the French settlements, all of which were 
hard by the Father of Waters. 

Father Timon's work in this district was short-lived. He con- 
tinued to advance to more important positions, until finally in 
1847 he became the first bishop of Buffalo.^^ Qn March 30, 1830, 
Bishop Rosati of St. Louis gave faculties to Father Regis Loisel 
to bless the church at the O'Hara's." The well-kept records of 
the parish, dating from January 31, 1831, show that Father Vital 
Paillaison was the pastor at the time. 

The Catholic Calendar for 1834 gives official information that 
even at that date St. Patrick's was the only English-speaking 
Catholic Church at which Mass was regularly celebrated: 

Churches of the St. Louis Diocese in the State of Illinois 

Of the Conception in Kaskaskia. 

St. Joseph's, Prairie du Rocher. 

St. Patrick's at O'Hara's Settlement in Randolph County, six miles 
southeast of Prairie du Rocher, is served by Rev. V. Van Cloostere. 
Mass once each month. 

Catholic Church at the English settlement. Mass occasionally. 

8 The Laity's Directory, B. Belmore, New York, 1822, 112. 

9 F. Beuckman, History of the Belleville Diocese, Belleville, 1919, Sect. 
2, 25. 

10 C. Deuther, Life and Times of Rt. Rev. John Timon, Buffalo, 1870, 37. 

11 Rothensteiner, History of the Archdiocese of St. Louis, St. Louis, 
1928, I, 774. 

12 Deuther, 93. 

13 Rothensteiner, loc. cit. 


Catholic Church at Harrissonville. Mass occasionally. 
At the Good Shepherd in Chokias (sic). 
Catholic Church in Sangano county. Mass occasionally. 
Catholic Church at the Fever River Cines (sic). Mass occasion- 

The only others that had Mass regularly, besides St. Patrick's, 
were the three French parishes. 

Inconspicuous in this group, but destined to have an interest- 
ing history was the congregation at the Fever River, Organized 
almost ten years after St. Patrick's, it had a resident pastor 
nearly a decade before the parish at O'Hara's. In 1827 six or 
seven thousand miners lived in this district in northwestern Illi- 
nois, most of them having arrived there during the preceding two 
years. The Irish were living around the principal settlement, 
Galena and the Creoles at a town called Gratiot Grove. Five Irish 
Catholics of Galena wrote to Bishop Rosati in that same year for 
a resident priest.^^ Father Badin had but recently been at Galena, 
but the Irishmen wanted a priest who could speak English. It 
was sometime before their request could be fulfilled. 

Father John Lutz came in 1830 and labored v/ith tact and 
success in the mining district for about a year. In 1832 Father 
John McMahon, an Irishman, arrived in Galena. He had emi- 
grated as a layman with his wife from Ireland about 1825. Hav- 
ing no children, they both decided to devote their lives to God, 
she in a convent and he as a priest. He was ordained during the 
year preceding his arrival at Galena. But he labored only ten 
months, for on June 19, 1833, he died of the cholera, without a 
priest to cheer and comfort his last hours. ^^ 

Another Irish priest, Father Charles Francis Fitzmaurice, 
who had arrived in America, came to Galena. But he also died 
of the cholera in the spring of 1835, within a year of his ar- 
rival." Finally, Father Samuel Mazzuchelli of the Dominican 
Order became pastor at Galena. 

Thus Galena had four resident pastors before O'Hara's had 
its first. Father John Kenny, who was pastor from 1839 to 1842. 
Other early pastors were Rev. Patrick McCabe, 1842-50, Rev. 
James Keane, 1850-53. During the pastorate of Father Keane, 
the cornerstone for a new brick church at O'Hara's was laid, as 
the Diary of Bishop Van de Velde bears witness, 

14 Catholic Calendar, 1834, 96. 

15 Rothensteiner, History, I, 465. 

16 Ibid., 537-542. 

17 Ibid., 549-551. 

168 W. B. FAHERTY 

June 24th, 1853. Rev. James Keane Pastor. Mass and confirmation 
of 40 persons at O'Hara's. 

25tli. After dinner returned to O'Hara's and laid the corner-stone 
of a new brick church, assisted by Rev. Messrs. Keane, Van Cloostere 
and Gallagher. Great concourse of people.^® 

The church was completed in 1854 while Father John Gifford was 

St. Patrick's Parish has belonged to a surprisingly large num- 
ber of dioceses. In 1834 the Catholic Calendar listed it in the 
diocese of St. Louis ;^'' the Catholic Almanac for the same year 
listed it in the diocese of Bardstown.^" This discrepancy v^^as due 
to the uncertain boundary line of the two dioceses; each con- 
trolled a part of Illinois. The St. Louis diocese embraced all the 
territory then held by the United States west of the Mississippi, 
except the state of Louisiana. East of the river, besides part of 
Illinois, it also had jurisdiction over the western part of Wiscon- 
sin. Today this territory includes thirteen states, and portions 
of three others, thirty dioceses and four archdioceses, and por- 
tions of five other dioceses and one archdiocese. The diocese of 
Bardstown included the states of Tennessee, Kentucky, Eastern 
Illinois, and Eastern Wisconsin. The boundary dispute settled, 
St. Patrick's was in the St. Louis diocese until 1844;" the Chi- 
cago diocese until 1853;-^ the Quincy diocese until 1857 ;^2 the 
Alton diocese until 1887;^* and is at present in the diocese of 

St. Patrick's is today a small parish. Father Witte, the pres- 
ent pastor states that the school has only eleven children. Very 
many of the old families have moved away, chiefly to St. Louis 
and other large cities. The pioneer of Illinois, St. Patrick's has 
watched other parishes in her state grow from infancy to become 
great cathedral parishes. Her source of pride is the knowledge 
of the great work she has done to keep alive in this new land 
the ancient faith that her sons brought with them from across 
the sea. 

In conclusion, then, St. Patrick's appears to be the first organ- 
ized English-speaking Catholic congregation, although congrega- 

18 "Diary of Bishop Van de Velde," in Souvenir of the Jubilee of Bishop 
Feehan, Chicago, 1891, 179. 

19 Catholic Caletxdar, 96. 

20 Catholic Almanac, 59. 

21 Catholic Calendar, 18^^, 100, 109. 

22 Catholic Directory, 1853, 111. 

23 Catholic Directory, 1857, 224. 

24 Catholic Directory, 1887, 155. 


tions of a similar type were in the formation at about the same 
time at Harrissonville and Hecker. St. Patrick's was unquestion- 
ably the first congregation speaking English to have had Mass 
regularly. St. Patrick's was the first to have a church, and Galena 
was the first to have a resident English-speaking pastor. 

W. B. Faherty 

I. The Catholic Church on the 
Oklahoma Frontier 

The term Indian Territory was once used to designate vir- 
tually the whole region west of the Mississippi which President 
Jefferson purchased from France in 1803. Gradually, by mid- 
century, the larger region was broken up, as states were ad- 
mitted to the Union and territories organized, and the name 
Indian Territory dropped like a blanket on what is now the state 
of Oklahoma. The intention in the territorial policy was to make 
this narrow area the home of the Red Men of the plains. Even 
in the year of the purchase early negotiations were opened with 
the Cherokee in an effort to bring about their removal to the 
West.^ Little was accomplished until 1817, when a portion of 
the tribe ceded its lands while the remainder held out against 
government pressure until removed by force in 1838.- A like 
policy was pursued toward the Creeks, Choctaw, Chickasaw and 
Seminoles,^ who by 1850 had concluded treaties with the federal 
government and had removed to the Indian Territory where they, 
like the Cherokee, were gradually adjusting themselves to the 
new order of things. 

During the period of Indian removal the federal government 
had erected a number of military posts where considerable gar- 
risons of troops were kept. Fort Smith on the Oklahoma border, 
Fort Gibson on the east bank of the Grand River, and Fort Tow- 
son on the Red River were unified by military roads laid out be- 
tween outposts.* At the outbreak of the Civil War the federal 
troops were withdrawn from these forts. Left without protection, 
the Indians for the most part made alliances with the Confed- 
eracy.^ At the close of the war the federal government used this 
relapse as an excuse for exacting new treaties, and among the 
terms imposed was that of giving up their surplus lands which 

1 Laurence F. Schmeckebier, The Office of Indian Affairs, Baltimore, 
1927, 289. 

2 Bureau of American Ethnology, Nineteenth Annual Report, 1898, 
Washington, 1900, 2 Parts, I, 130. 

3 Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of 
Mexico. Bureau of American Ethnology, Parts I and II, Washington, 1907. 

4 Charles N. Gould, Oklahoma Place Names, Norman, Oklahoma, 1933, 

5 Joseph Thoburn, A Standard History of Oklahoma, 5 Vols., Chicago, 
1916, II, 269. 



were to become homes for the Plains Indians.^ The first Indians 
to be removed were the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache,^ who 
lived a wandering life on the plains, depending largely upon hunt- 
ing for food, shelter, and clothing. Beginning in 1866 with these 
tribes, the government had by 1884, with the removal of the 
Tonkawa, located twenty-two separate Indian reservations in the 
Territory on which each tribe was allowed its particular form of 

This region then, with its thousands of Indians, few white 
inhabitants at the army posts, soldiers eking out a monotonous 
and lonely existence in military forts, and liberated Negro slaves, 
represented the setting where active Catholic missionary work 
began in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. The soil of 
Oklahoma, it seems, had been trodden by Catholic missionaries 
long years before. Priests were with the De Soto expedition in 
the sixteenth century, which probably traversed what is now 
Oklahoma.^ From these the few scattered tribes may have heard 
for the first time the simple truths of faith. ^^ Another sixteenth 
century Spanish expedition led by Coronado brought with it the 
famed Fray Padilla, who was slain by the Indians in Texas ac- 
cording to some authorities and in Kansas according to others. 
Possibly he reached or passed through Oklahoma. It is fairly 
certain that Abbe Jean Cavelier, brother of Robert Cavelier, 
Sieur de la Salle, passed through the land with another priest, 

6 Ibid. 

7 Reverend Aloysius Hitta, O. S. B., "Geronimo's Horses Are Branded," 
The Indian Sentinel, XVI (February, 1936), 32. This is an interesting and 
true story of the death bed conversion of Geronimo, the Apache chief, by 
Father Isidore Ricklin, O. S. B. The chief was captured by General Nelson 
A. Miles and placed in prison at Fort Sill, Indian Territory. 

8 Material, indispensable to anyone writing the history of the Potawa- 
tomie before their removal to the Indian Territory, is to be found in Father 
John F. O'Connor, S. J., The Jesuits in the Kaw Valley, Ms., St. Mary's, 
Kansas. For the Osage, the manuscript collection of Father Paul Ponzi- 
glione, S. J., in the St. Louis University Archives, is a monumental collec- 
tion of early Osage history. 

The Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando de Soto by the Gentle- 
man of Elvas. Published for the first time in 1557. A critically annotated 
edition by Theodore Lewis is to be found in his Spanish Exploration in the 
Southern United States, New York, 1920, 217. 

10 Bernard Shipp, The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, or 
Records of the Events of Fifty-Six Years from 1512-1568, Philadelphia, 
1881, 245. An interesting discussion, "Some Neglected Aspects of the De 
Soto Expedition," by Francis Borgia Steck will be found in Mid-America, 
XV (July, 1932), 4. That some of the sixteenth century Spanish explorers 
ever crossed into Kansas and Oklahoma has recently been questioned. See 
"The Route of the Coronado Expedition in Texas," by David Donoghue, 
Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXII (January, 1929), 181-192, also 
"Coronado, Onate and Quivira," by the same author, Mid-America, XVIII 
(April, 1936), 95. 


Father Douay, on their way from Matagorda Bay to the Illinois 
Country, after the assassination of La Salle. But the attempted 
evangelization by Padilla and the trips of the others were not 
followed up. 

In the nineteenth century, with the advent of French traders 
from the North and from the South, missionaries from Kansas 
and Missouri ventured into the Territory. Under the administra- 
tion of Bishop Du Bourg, a Vincentian seminary was established 
at Barrens, now Perryville, Missouri, and from here as early as 
1824 Reverend John Odin and his companion, a cleric, intended 
to visit the Territory while on a missionary trip to Arkansas, ^^ 
but they were unable to complete their itinerary. 

Meanwhile, the Jesuits had made a foundation at Florissant, 
and later established a mission at St. Paul, Kansas, that became 
in time the center of a fruitful apostolate in Indian Territory.^^ 
In 1830, Father Van Quickenborne, S. J., established mission sta- 
tions on Chouteau, Prior, and Cabin Creeks. From that date the 
Jesuits continued to visit the army posts and Indian reserves, and 
between 1830-1886 they established sixteen missionary stations 
in various parts of the Territory. In addition to Father Van 
Quickenborne, Father Bax, and Father Van Hulst, there was Fa- 
ther Paul Ponziglione, who traversed practically every portion of 
Indian Territory, in order to give the few scattered Catholics an 
opportunity of hearing Mass and receiving the sacraments. ^^ 

Not only were the Jesuits from Kansas ministering to the 
spiritual needs of the Catholics in the Territory, but the diocesan 
priests from Arkansas were making frequent and lengthy trips 
in that direction.^^ For the history of the Catholic Church in 
Indian Territory, this is a record that has been completely over- 
looked, but the fact remains that as early as 1849 Father Walsh 
and Father Monaghan made five different trips to the Territory, 
and on each occasion baptisms and marriages were recorded. 
These trips continued regularly up to the time of the Civil War, 
and each year records attest to the extensiveness of their jour- 
neys, and the fruits of their labor." Forts Gibson, Washita, Ar- 
buckle, the Indian reservations, and isolated family groups were 

11 Rosati Diary, Ms., Vincentian Monastery, Perryville, Missouri. 

12 W^estem Missions Journal, Ms. Collection of Father Ponziglione, S. J., 
St. Louis University Archives. 

13 Ibid. 

1* Register of Marriages for Fort Smith (Arkansas) and Missions at- 
tached Thereto 1844-1897, Ms. records in St. Patrick's Church, Fort Smith, 

15 Registerum Baptism (sic) 1857-1900. Fathers Lawrence and Michael 
Smyth, Ms., Records, Fort Smith, Arkansas. 


each visited one or more times in the course of the year. In the 
decade before the outbreak of the Civil War, Father Walsh and 
Father Monaghan were joined in their work in the Territory by 
Fathers Shanahan, Reilly and Smyth/*' The record of the five 
priests who traveled from Fort Smith to the most distant of the 
frontier posts on horseback or in a buggy, and their records of 
baptisms, marriages, and burials, helps in no small way to dispel 
the erroneous idea that Catholic missionary work in Oklahoma 
began only in the late seventies. 

The coming of the Benedictines to the Oklahoma frontier has 
an interesting old world background. In the diocese of Sens, 
France, is the monastery of Pierre-qui-Vire, the motherhouse of 
the Benedictine monks of the primitive observance." Among 
those who had been attracted by the sanctity and learning of the 
monastery was Father Isidore Robot, who from the time of his 
ordination in 1862 had expressed a desire to work in the mission 
field. The anti-Catholic attitude shown by Gambetta and the re- 
publican party in France resulted in many monastic orders seek- 
ing foundations in other countries where their members might 
go in event of persecution and exile.^^ To this end Father Robot 
and Brother Dominic Lambert were sent to the United States 
with instructions to find a suitable missionary field for the Bene- 
dictine Fathers of Pierre-qui-Vire. 

Father Robot was welcomed by Archbishop Perche of New 
Orleans, assigned to Bayou Pierre, and later appointed as chap- 
lain to the Sisters of Charity in Shreveport.^^ Father Robot, how- 
ever, had not come to the United States to be director or confes- 
sor of nuns, but to be a missionary. While in this capacity he 
learned through Father Gailland, S. J., of St. Mary's Mission, 
Kansas, the plight of the Indians in the Territory, who since their 
removal were without a resident priest or Catholic teachers.^" 

Relieved of his duties as chaplain. Father Robot called on 

16 Father Michael Smyth has the distinction of building in 1874 at 
Atoka, Indian Territory, St. Patrick's Church, the first Catholic Church 
within the present state of Oklahoma. 

17 Right Reverend Dom Isidore Robot, O. S. B., The Life of the Rev- 
erend Mary John Baptist Muard, Founder of the Missionary Priests of the 
Benedictine Preachers of the Monastery of Saint Mary of Pierre-qui-Vire. 
Translated from the French of the Abb6 Brul6e, New York, 1882, 1-75. 

18 Les Benedictins de Sainte Marie de la Pierre-qui-Vire (Diocese de 
Sens). Pamphlet printed at the monastere de la Pierre-qui-Vire, 1877. 

19 Annals of Sacred Heart Mission, 1876-1907. Cahier containing eighty- 
four handwritten pages, Ms., Sacred Heart Priory, Sacred Heart, Oklahoma. 
Hereafter referred to as Annals. 

20 Joseph Moose, "Catholicity Among the Potawatomie," Indian Advo- 
cate, II (April, 1889), 3. 


Bishop Edward Fitzgerald of Little Rock, of whose diocese the 
Indian Territory was the western part. He explained his mission 
to the Bishop, who must have been impressed by the earnestness 
of the religious, for he was given jurisdiction over the whole 
Indian Territory and the assurance of every financial aid the 
Bishop was able to give.^^ With these arrangements completed. 
Father Robot and Brother Dominic left Little Rock and arrived 
at Atoka, Indian Territory, on October 12, 1875. Here they found 
a few Catholics among the shopkeepers and railroad workers, 
and a small, unfinished church that had been built some three 
years earlier. 

Nine months after their arrival Pope Pius IX issued two de- 
crees, one erecting the Prefecture Apostolic (separated from the 
Diocese of Little Rock), and the other appointing Father Robot 
first Prefect Apostolic, under date of July 9, 1876.^- During this 
time Father Robot was considering the request of several Indian 
tribes that he establish a mission on their reservation. The In- 
dians were poor and could offer no financial assistance, the few 
white Catholics were existing on a mere subsistence level, and he 
knew the impossibility of obtaining money from Pierre-qui- 

It chanced that the decrees of erection and appointment of 
the Prefecture Apostolic were printed in Les Missions Catholi- 
ques, a copy of which was read by Mr. James McMaster, the edi- 
tor of the New York Freeman's Journal. Mr. McMaster was not 
impressed by the action of the Holy Father, but in a caustic ar- 
ticle stated that although he did not offer any congratulations, 
he would like to know from such a good authority as Father 
Robot what reason there was for the development of the Catho- 
lic Church in such wastes as those of New Mexico and Indian 
Territory.^* The invitation to enlighten the inquiring editor was 
accepted by Father Robot, and for the next three or four years 
the columns of the Freeman's Journal contained the correspond- 
ence of the zealous Benedictine. A report from Father Robot to 
his abbot at Pierre-qui-Vire, a part of which was published in 

21 Father Robot, O. S. B., to Msgr. Brouillet, Atoka, Indian Territory, 
April 26, 1876, Ms., Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, Washington, D. C. 
Hereafter referred to as B. C. I. M. 

22 These decrees may be found in Acta Sanctae Sedes, Rome, 1885, IX, 

23 Father Robot to Madam Marie Elizabeth Rea, Atoka Indian Terri- 
tory, December 17, 1875, Ms., B. C. I. M. 

24 Editorial, "Apostolic Appointment for the Indian Territory," Free- 
man's Journal, New York, XXXVII (August 19, 1876), 4. 


Les Missions Catholiques, inspired Mr. McMaster to organize "A 
Plan for Helping the Indians."^^ Appeals for funds and prayers 
were made, and within a year almost six thousand dollars were 
sent to Father Robot. The incidents connected with the cam- 
paign, the letters received from donors, the editorials pleading 
the cause of the Prefect Apostolic, and the journalistic fireworks 
that grew out of the resentment shown by the Bureau of Catho- 
lic Indian Missions toward the activity of Mr. McMaster, are a 
few of the incidents that give color to the first year of the Pre- 

After studying the different proposals for a mission. Father 
Robot decided upon the Potawatomie Reservation, at a place 
about seventy miles from Atoka.^^ While completing the plans 
for their future work, the two Benedictines were joined by Ber- 
nard Murphy and Joseph Shea, who alone survived the yellow 
fever epidemic that wiped out their community at Savannah, 

Work on the monastery was started during February, 1877, 
and despite many obstacles the building was completed in late 
summer. In April, five recruits, including two priests from 
Pierre-qui-Vire, joined the little community.^® In June, by decree 
of the Propaganda, a novitiate was established ; a day school for 
Indian children was opened in September, and here in the wild 
solitude peopled only by Indians, far from all civilization and 
from all communication, at times almost destitute of resources. 
Father Robot and his little community prayed with zeal and 
confidence in what they called their Promised Land. 

Two appointments came to Father Robot in 1878.^^ The first 
was the decree of the new Pontiff, Leo XIII, raising him to the 
dignity of an abbot (titular) , and the second was the announce- 
ment by the government that a post office would be established 
on the mission property. Father Robot was named first post- 
master.^" During this year the first annual retreat was held, the 
exercises conducted by Father Robot, and the ranks of the little 
community were increased during December by the lay-brother 

25 "The Prefecture Apostolic of the Indian Territory — the Very Rev- 
erend Dom Isidore Robot," Ihid., (October 14, 1876), 4. 

26 Annals, October, 1876. 

27 Ihid., February, 1877. 

28 Ihid., April, 1877. 

29 Published in Les Missions Catholiques, Lyons, France, November 22, 

30 From records compiled by Grant Foreman and published in the 
Chronicles of Oklahoma, VI (March, 1928), 3. 


John Laracy, of Paterson, New Jersey, a lovable, interesting 
character who is living today, the oldest member of the com- 

With a successful boys' day school in operation Father Robot 
decided to build a school for girls and place it under the care of 
a community of sisters. St. Mary's was completed in 1880, and in 
August of that year six Sisters of Perpetual Adoration arrived 
from New Orleans. They continued in charge of the school until 
1884, when they were replaced by the Sisters of Mercy, in whose 
care the school has since remained.^^ 

The hardships and privations that were necessarily a part of 
the foundation of Sacred Heart were sapping the strength of a 
constitution never robust. In 1884 after assisting at the Third 
Plenary Council at Baltimore,-^^ Father Robot, accompanied by 
Brother Dominic, left for Rome to lay before the Holy Father 
an account of the church in the Prefecture, and to present his 
resignation.^"* It was almost a year before his successor was ap- 
pointed. When relieved of his duties by the arrival of Father 
Ignatius Jean in October, 1886, Father Robot took charge of the 
parish at McAlester, where he died in February, 1887.^^ 

Under his successor a program of missionary expansion was 
carried out. In his first report Father Ignatius Jean expressed 
the conviction that more fruitful results could be attained if 
there were three centers of Catholic activity from which the 
priests could carry on their work, as the trips to and from Sacred 
Heart were long, difficult, and expensive.^*' Thus it was that St. 
Louis Mission at Pawhuska was established in the northern part 
of the Territory, St. Michael's in the East, and to the pastor at 
Krebs were given McAlester, Savannah, and the tribes located 
between Fort Sill and El Reno." 

In order to bring the needs of the Indians to the attention of 
the Catholics, and to secure vocations in the work where assist- 
ance was so greatly needed, the Fathers in 1888 began the pub- 

31 Reminiscences and Memoirs of Brother John Laracy, Ms., Sacred 
Heart Archives, Sacred Heart, Oklahoma. 

3^ Community Records. Sisters of the Most Holy Sacrament, Ms., New 
Orleans, Louisiana. 

33 The Memorial Volume. A History of the Third Plenary Council of 
Baltimore, November 9-December 7, 1884, Baltimore, 1885, 106. 

34 Annals, June, 1884. 

35 Ibid., February, 1887. 

36 Reverend Ignatius Jean to Reverend D. Balsieper, Sacred Heart 
Indian Territory, October 14, 1887. Published in the Indian Advocate, I 
(January, 1888), 4. 

37 Annals, April, 1887. 


lication of the Indian Advocate. It first appeared quarterly and 
later monthly. It continued to be issued until 1910, and is one 
of the richest printed sources of Okalhoma church history dur- 
ing that time.^^ 

The opening of the lands to white settlements in 1889 created 
a situation unique in the annals of growth and development. 
Thousands of persons poured across the border and new towns 
sprang into existence over night. It was the epic story of the 
Cimarron. The Benedictines met the demands for priests as best 
they could, but although their ranks had been augmented by 
ordinations and recruits from France, the numbers were insuffi- 
cient to meet the needs of this tremendous increase. 

Among the towns where churches were built within a few 
months after the opening were Oklahoma City, Edmond, Guthrie, 
El Reno, and Norman. In this same year the Benedictines, Father 
Placidus and Father Willebrand, came to the Territory from 
eastern Bengal, and later were joined by Father Lanslots, who 
had been stationed at the same place.^^ In 1890, Father Isidore 
Ricklin arrived from Buckfast, England,*" and Father Gerrer, 
whose fame as an artist has become international, began his no- 
vitiate at Sacred Heart. 

In 1896 Sacred Heart was raised to the rank of an Abbey, and 
Father Thomas Duperou was consecrated amid the solemn and 
impressive ceremonies.*^ He was in office only one year when 
taken by death, and the choice of the community was Father 
Felix de Grasse, a lineal descendant of Admiral de Grasse, who 
assisted the American colonies in the Revolutionary War.*^ 

During the next five years new churches were erected and 
dedicated, and new schools were opened in the parishes. Sacred 
Heart completed the building of her abbatial church, the largest 
and most beautiful edifice in the Territory. On the night of Jan- 

38 Indian Advocate, Sacred Heart, Oklahoma, 1888-1910. The files of 
this publication, the first Catholic paper in the Territory, are rich in the 
early history of the Church. Only two complete files are known to exist. 
One is to be found at Sacred Heart Priory, Sacred Heart, Oklahoma, and 
the other in the private collection of Reverend Urban de Hasque, Perry, 
Oklahoma. At the Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D. C, volumes 6-22 
(1894-1910) may be found. 

39 Annals, November, 1889. 

40 Annals, December, 1890. When the monastery of Pierre-qui-Vire was 
confiscated by the French government some of the Benedictine Fathers had 
gone to Ireland, and thence in 1882 to Buckfast, England, where they had 
rebuilt the ancient Abbey that had been suppressed by Henry VIII in 1539. 

i^ Indian Advocate, X (January, 1898), 195. 
42 Annals, February, 1898. 


uary 15, 1901, a fire broke out in the Abbey.*^ Nothing could 
stop the flames and in a short time every vestige of Sacred Heart 
Mission had been destroyed. This included the monastery, Sacred 
Heart Church, the pride of the priests and people, St. Mary's 
Academy and Novitiate, and all the shops, mills, and stables 
forming the mission property. The Fathers were determined to 
rebuild Sacred Heart, and through the generosity of friends in 
the East, a new building far less pretentious than the first was 
blessed in January, 1902. Visitations, ordinations, deaths, and 
new recruits characterize the next few years at Sacred Heart. 
In 1905, after a lingering illness. Father de Grasse passed to his 
reward, and Father Bernard Murphy was chosen to succeed 
him.** He has the distinction of being the first American abbot 
at Sacred Heart. 

By a decree dated August 27, 1905, the Holy Father changed 
the vicariate to a diocese, and designated Monsignor Meerschaert 
its first bishop.*^ Since 1891 the ranks of the clergy had been 
greatly increased by growth of the secular clergy. Gradually the 
Benedictine Fathers were removed from the parishes, so that by 
1907 they were in charge of only four.**^ Only three decades had 
elapsed since they had come to the Territory. During these years 
Sacred Heart Monastery had been built, forty-one churches and 
chapels erected, and throughout the Territory the Fathers had 
brought the faith to the Indian tribes and scattered white settle- 
ments as frequently as their time and numbers would permit. 

It was under the administration of the Second Prefect Apos- 
stolic that definite growth and development was made in the 
matter of education, and to Mather Katherine Drexel the Church 
is deeply indebted. For without the financial assistance that she 
so generously gave, the erection and maintenance of the Indian 
schools would have been impossible. It might be added that this 
help continues in some cases even to the present time.*^ 

In addition to the three schools that were begun while Father 

43 Ibid., January, 1901. 

44 Ibid., February, 1905. Father Bernard Murphy was one of the first 
co-laborers to join Father Robot in the Indian Territory. Accompanied by 
Joseph Shea, he arrived at Atoka, Indian Territory, from Savannah, Geor- 
gia, February 2, 1877. 

45 The Private Diary of Bishop Meerschaert, August 27, 1905. These 
priceless manuscripts are to be found in the diocesan chancery files, Okla- 
homa City, Oklahoma. 

46 Ms. copy of correspondence relative to these parishes is to be found 
in the Archives of St. Gregory's Abbey, Shawnee, Oklahoma. 

47 Churches and Schools Erected by Mother Katherine Drexel in Okla- 
homa, Ms., in the files of the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament, St. Eliza- 
beth's Convent, Comwells Heights, Pennsylvania. 


Robot was Prefect Apostolic, plans were made in 1887 for an 
industrial mission school at Lehigh, under the title of St. Mi- 
chael. But the scheme was from the beginning doomed to fail- 
ure.*® When it was seen that St. Michael's would not materialize 
as an industrial school, the Fathers opened a day school in 
Lehigh, in 1887, under the direction of the Sisters of Mercy. The 
school soon had an enrollment of more than a hundred and fifty 
pupils, and has continued in successful operation up to the pres- 
ent time. 

The first attempt to change the status of St. Mary's Academy 
and Sacred Heart School was made in 1886, when Father Thomas 
applied for government contracts for the two schools.*^ In the 
course of the following year the Indian agent, Moses Neal, vis- 
ited the schools and in his annual report strongly supported the 
request of the missionaries. The first contract was awarded June 
13, 1888, and provided a compensation of $29.87 per quarter for 
children of the Osage, Sac, and Fox tribes. Besides those pro- 
vided for by government contract, many children from the Pota- 
watomie families living near by, children from the Chickasaw 
and Seminole tribes, and the sons and daughters of the cattlemen 
and the military officials living at the forts, enrolled in the two 
mission schools.^" 

The course of study was similar to most industrial schools, 
and was the same in all the schools under the supervision of the 
Benedictine Fathers. Practical subjects such as sewing, cooking, 
mending, the fundamentals of health and cleanliness, as well as 
art, needlework, and music were included in the course for girls, 
while farming, stock raising, and practical work in the mills and 
fields were taught the boys. Due to the extensive improvements 
made, the value of the two schools in 1893 was placed by the 
Indian agent at one hundred thousand dollars.^^ 

The schools suffered a temporary setback in 1895, when the 
government was forced to withdraw government aid from all 
denominational schools, but the Bureau of Catholic Indian Mis- 

4s Annals, December, 1887. 

49 Father Thomas Duperou to Moses Neal, Indian Agent, August 1, 
1886. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, 
1886, 146. 

50 Dom M. Norbert, O. S. B., to the Abbot of Pierre-qui-Vire. Published 
in Les Missions CathoUques, September 16, 1886. 

51 Samuel L. Patrick, Indian Agent, Sac and Fox Agency, to Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs, August 30, 1893. Sixty-Second Annual Report, 
1893, 380. 


sions came to the rescue of the Indians, and gave a contract for 
forty pupils for each school. 

When the schools were destroyed by fire in January, 1901, 
the boys were sent home and the girls to Shawnee, Krebs, and 
Ardmore, where the Sisters of Mercy had parochial schools. St. 
Mary's was rebuilt that year, a larger and more up-to-date build- 
ing, and in a higher and more desirable location.''^ The boys' 
school was in time reopened, but was discontinued when the 
Fathers built St. Gregory College at Shawnee. The girls' school 
continues to the present time and is one of the most successful 
Indian schools in operation. 

After seventeen years of fruitless eiforts, the Osage Indians, 
in 1887, succeeded in obtaining from the government the per- 
mission necessary for a Catholic mission school.'^^ Father Felix 
de Grasse was sent to Pawhuske in January, 1887.^* With the 
co-operation of Father Willard of the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions, a building was erected on a lot adjoining the house 
that served as a rectory. A small house was built as a convent 
for the Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis, under whose 
care the school was to be placed. The school opened in Novem- 
ber.^^ By January the twenty-pupil contract allowed by the gov- 
ernment was far too small, and the next year it was raised to 
fifty. In 1889, a large building was purchased, furnished, and 
opened to seventy-five boarders and eighteen day pupils. ^^ 

On the night of February 14, 1889, a fire of unknown origin 
broke out and destroyed every vestige of the building and its 
contents. Owing to the courage and quick action of the Sisters, 
every child was marched in safety from the building." The Osage 
Council adopted a resolution of sympathy, and plans were drawn 
up for a new building. Mother Katherine Drexel promised finan- 
cial assistance, and a substantial stone structure four stories 
high was built less than a mile from the Osage Agency.^^ St. 
Louis Mission has since remained a flourishing Indian school, and 

52 Annals, January, 1902. 

53 A. B. Upshaw, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to James 
I. David, U. S. Indian Agent. Washington, September 23, 1886. Osage Files, 
Pawhuska, Oklahoma. 

54 Father Felix de Grasse to Reverend Dom Stephan, Abbot of Pierre- 
qui-Vire, Pawhuska, Indian Territory, January 4, 1889. Published in the 
Indian Advocate, II (April, 1889), 4. 

^^ Indian Advocate (Prospectus), 1888, 4. 

56 School Records, St. Louis School, 1887-1907, Pawhuska, Oklahoma. 

57 "The Sisters deserve much credit for their heroism," 'The Indian Citi- 
zen, Atoka, Indian Territory, March 16, 1889. 

58 Ms. Files of St. Elizabeth's Convent, Cornwells Heights, Pennsyl- 


because the Osage Indians are independent financially, the school 
has enjoyed consistent support. 

The fourth school to be established during the Prefecture of 
Father Ignatius Jean was St. John's, for Osage boys, located on 
Hominy Creek, some fifteen miles from Pawhuska.^^ Twenty-one 
full-blood Osage boys were enrolled the first year. The increased 
enrollment warranted the erection of a new four-story stone 
building in 1891. The entire expense was defrayed by Mother 
Katherine Drexel. In addition, a chaplain's college, bakery, black- 
smith shop, the Sisters' convent, and a cottage for the help com- 
pleted the mission. In 1892, the government gave a contract for 
sixty-five boys, and at the time of statehood the attendance was 
around that number. 

Ten Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis, with Sister 
Mary Paul as superior, continued in charge of St. John's until 
1907, when the management of the school was transferred to the 
Brothers of the Christian Schools. '"^ 

Father Isidore pitched his tent among the Indians, and trav- 
eled from tent to tent "teaching them the knowledge of a living 
God and winning their affection and confidence by his constant 
care." It was his pleasure to gather the children about him and 
teach them catechism, to read and write, and to sing simple 
songs. The Indians became so attached to the Benedictine that 
they adopted him into their tribe and named him Chief Thun- 

The first buildings for St. Patrick's Mission were completed 
in 1892. To assist the Indian parents. Mother Katherine Drexel 
paid six dollars and a quarter monthly for each Indian child en- 
rolled at the mission.*^- In 1893, because the frame buildings were 
far too small for the increasing enrollment, they were, with the 
assistance of Mother Katherine Drexel, replaced by a substantial 
stone building. To the school building was added a boys' dormi- 
tory, a girls' dormitory, a laundry, and a building occupied by 
the Sisters. In 1903, seventy-seven Indian children were being 
cared for from funds supplied by Mother Katherine, who likewise 
paid the salary of the teachers and provided compensation for 
the resident priest. "^^ Shortly after the time of statehood, the 

59 Act of June 28, 1906 (34 Stat. L., p. 539), Division of Osage Lands 
and Funds, 3. 

60 The Indian Sentinel, 1910, 9. 

61 Rev. A. Hitta, O. S. B., "Anadarko Boarding School," The Oklahoma 
Indian School Magazine, I (December, 1932), 2. 

62 Community Records, Convent of the Blessed Sacrament, ut. cit. 

63 Mother Katherine Drexel to Sister Amelina, February 12, 1903, Ms., 


mission was burned. But it was rebuilt larger than before, was 
leased by the government, with the Sisters retained as instruc- 
tors with government supervision and salaries, and was finally 
returned to the Benedictine Fathers. It remains today in success- 
ful operation. 

When the Rock Island Railroad extended its line across Okla- 
homa from the Kansas border the little town of Chickasha was 
built. In 1899, in order to impress the people with the type of 
training the children at Anadarko were getting from the Sisters, 
Father Ricklin had the closing program repeated in Chickasha. 
It was given in the public school house and the little Indians 
demonstrated their training to a degree scarcely hoped for by 
their teachers, and as a result Father Ricklin was urged to open 
a school.*^* A two-story school building was purchased from the 
school board, remodeled and improved. The Sisters of St. Francis 
were given charge, and opened with an enrollment of one hun- 
dred day pupils and twelve boarders. In the entire enrollment 
there was only one Catholic child. "^^ 

By 1902 many new improvements had been made and the rec- 
ords show seventy-four white boys, eight Indian boys, seventy- 
nine white girls, and five Indian girls. In a short time the govern- 
ment made provision for eighty resident Choctaw and Chickasaw 
children.''*^ Recently the original buildings have been replaced by 
more pretentious brick structures, so that St. Joseph's is one of 
the most attractive school buildings in Chickasha. 

Among the other schools established for the Indian children 
was St. Mary's on the Quapaw Reservation for the use of the 
Ottawa, Wyandotte, Miami, Peoria, and Quapaw Indians.®^ It was 
first opened in 1891 as a day school, conducted by a Catholic lay 
teacher, but in 1894 it was given to the charge of the Sisters of 
St. Joseph. It continued to obtain government contracts until 

For the benefit of the Choctaw tribe St. Agnes Mission was 

Convent of the Blessed Sacrament; Mother Katherine Drexel to Father 
Isidore Ricklin, August 31, 1902, ibid. 

64 Sister Mary Barbara, O. S. F., A Diamond Crown for Christ the King. 
A Story of the First Franciscan Foundation in Our Country 1855-1930, 
Glen Riddle, Pennsylvania, 1930, 259. 

65 Community Records, Ms., Sisters of St. Francis, St. Joseph Convent, 
Chickasha, Oklahoma. 

66 Ibid. 

67 Father William Ketcham to George S. Doane, U. S. Indian Agent, 
Muskogee, Indian Territory, July 25, 1894. Annual Report of the Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs, 1894. 

68 "Contracts for Mission Schools." Annual Report of the Department 
of the Interior, 1906, 51. 


built at Antlers in Pusmataha County. It was originally a "neigh- 
borhood school" with an enrollment almost wholly of full- 
bloods. ^'^ Through the kindness of Mother Katherine Drexel a 
substantial building was erected, and the Sisters were employed 
by the Choctaw government and the work supervised by a Choc- 
taw ofRcial.'° At the time of statehood sixty Choctaw and 
seventy-four white children were enrolled. 

St. Agnes Academy at Ardmore has the distinction of being 
the first school in that place. It was begun with money furnished 
by Mother Katherine, and, more than any other of the mission 
schools, suffered from the prejudice and bigotry of the early 
century.'^ Only through the unfailing patience and charity of 
the Sisters of Mercy was the school able to exist. It remains in 
operation today, a successful school for Indians and whites. 

St. Elizabeth Mission at Purcell grew out of the plan of Father 
Ignatius Jean to establish three centers of Catholic life, north, 
east, and west." It served the tribes located between Fort Sill 
and Fort Reno. Under the supervision of Father Vincent Joly, 
O. S. B., the Sisters of St. Francis opened school in November, 
1888, and by the close of the year their enrollment consisted of 
one hundred and ten girls and fifty-seven boys. 

Two additional schools were established prior to statehood. 
These were St. Theresa School at Tulsa, for which Mother Kath- 
erine donated fifteen hundred dollars on the condition that when 
it ceased to be an Indian school the money would be returned 
to her.'3 In 1899, sixty-five pupils were in attendance and the 
enrollment increased rapidly thereafter. Today it has been re- 
placed by the spacious Holy Family School, under the care of 
the Sisters of Divine Providence, with hundreds of children in 

The last school intended for both Indian and white children 
was Nazareth Institute at Muskogee. It was erected under the 
pastorate of Father William Ketcham and given to the charge of 
the Sisters of St. Joseph, a diocesan group, whose motherhouse 
was located at Antlers. They were later replaced by the Sisters 
of St. Joseph from Carondelet, Missouri, in whose care the school 
is today. 

The educational needs of the Negro children were not neg- 

69 The Indian Sentinel, 1914, 19. 

70 Ibid., 20. 

71 The Indian Sentinel, 1915, 22. 

72 Reverend Ignatius Jean to Reverend D. Balsieper, October 14, 1887. 

73 Ms. Files of the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament. 


lected. The Negroes prior to 1889 were for the most part freed- 
men, but after the run of 1889 their number was greatly in- 
creased. Train-loads were brought in from the South and among 
them were many Catholics. One school previous to 1889 had 
been established by Brother John, from Sacred Heart.''* Claver 
School was located in the Canadian settlement, and continued to 
be conducted until 1896, when the Negroes, who were squatters, 
were forced to move elsewhere.^^ 

In 1893 the Benedictine Sisters opened St. Catherine's Day 
School in Guthrie, and two years later Holy Family School'*' at 
Langston. Each school from the opening day had a large enroll- 
ment. These schools continued under the supervision of the same 
religious until 1924. Two flourishing Catholic Negro schools are 
located at Tulsa and Okmulgee, while very recently the Benedic- 
tine Sisters have opened Claver College in Guthrie, which offers 
in addition to the college subjects opportunities for the study of 
music, art, and business administration. The students are for 
the most part teachers and college students who have not had 
the occasion to complete their college course. 

In the educational scheme in the Territory, the parochial 
schools for white children were the first to be established. Be- 
tween 1880 and 1907 thirty-four had been opened and were in 
charge of the Sisters of Mercy, Benedictines, Sisters of Divine 
Providence, and the Sisters of the Precious Blood. The enroll- 
ment was little less than four thousand. 

The Church on the Oklahoma frontier entered a period of 
definite expansion with the appointment of Monsignor Meer- 
schaert as Vicar Apostolic in 1891. Upon his arrival in Guthrie, 
he found twenty-three priests'^ attending as best they could the 
vast Territory comprising almost seventy thousand square miles. 
At that date there were twenty-one churches and chapels and a 
Catholic population of about five thousand souls. 

Two weeks after his arrival, the Bishop set out to visit every 
part of the vicariate, traveling great distances partly by rail, 
but most of the time in a buggy."^ The first official visit was Sa- 
cred Heart Abbey,"" Accompanied by two of the Benedictine Fa- 

74 Reminiscenses and Memoirs of Brother John Laracy, Ms. 

75 Ibid. 

76 "Langston and Oklahoma," The Little Star of the Black Belt, Lynch- 
burg, Virginia, I (September, 1902), 2. 

77 Sadler's Catholic Directory, 1891, 499. 

78 Private Diary of Bishop Meerschaert, October 4, 1891. 

79 Annals, October, 1891. On this occasion he blessed the cornerstone of 
the new Sacred Heart Church. 


thers, he visited in the course of weeks practically every estab- 
lished mission school and church.^° 

But the crying need of the Church was priests. With the con- 
stant stream of white settlers pouring into the rich lands opened 
to settlement since 1889, little parishes were already in the mak- 
ing. In order that he might secure additions to the ranks of the 
clergy, Bishop Meerschaert made several trips to Europe and was 
successful in securing many young priests. Up to 1907, the Amer- 
ican College at Louvain, Belgium, had sent almost three score to 
the Territory. 

In 1907, when the Twin Territories were united to form the 
forty-sixth state, the secular clergy numbered fifty-one members. 
Assisting these were thirty-one Benedictines. By this date Bishop 
Meerschaert had conducted the dedication ceremonies of sixty- 
eight churches and had blessed new brick structures that had 
replaced nine of these. To the other institutions, whether Indian 
Mission, parochial school, academy, or hospital, the Bishop gave 
his generous support. 

The rapid growth of the Catholic Church in Oklahoma had 
its initial impetus in the zealous work of those early pioneers 
who labored so faithfully during the frontier days. 

Sister Ursula Thomas, O. S. B. 

80 Diary of Bishop Meerschaert, October-November, 1891. 

11. The Catholic Church on the Okla- 
homa Frontier; A Critical Bibliography 

Since the passing of the American Frontier, historians have 
begun to study and evaluate the religious, social, and intellectual 
part played by churchmen in the development of the West in the 
nineteenth century. Oklahoma, the region described in the pre- 
ceding article, has not been accorded adequate historical treat- 
ment from the viewpoint of its religious development. It is the 
purpose of the following bibliography to reveal extensive and 
hitherto unexplored and unused sources for the study of this 
significant chapter in the history of the Catholic Church on the 
American Frontier. 



The files of Father Aloysius Hitta, O. S. B., superintendent of St. 
Patrick's Mission, contain: letters from Mother Katherine Drexel; 
newspaper clippings that throw light on the past history of the mis- 
sion; printed articles that Father Hitta has contributed to the Indian 
Sentinel and The Oklahoma Indian School Magazine; the Ms. copy of 
Bishop Martin Marty's letter to Charles E. Adams, United States In- 
dian Agent at the Kiowa and Comanche Agency, authorizing Reverend 
Isidore Ricklin to select the quarter section for a mission; a letter 
from the Department of the Interior granting to the Catholic Bureau 
of Indian Missions the quarter section selected and the authority to 
cut timber and use stone from the same land. There are likewise re- 
ports of attendance, financial statements, and other such data. 

The manuscript Record kept by the Sisters of the Third Order of 
St. Francis contains an account of St. Patrick's Mission since the ar- 
rival of the first group of Sisters on October 1, 1892. It lists those 
who have since that date been located at the mission, incidents con- 
nected with the daily life of the school, the number of pupils enrolled, 
visits, and other items of local history. 

Similar material was found at Chickasha and Purcell where mem- 
bers of the same religious order have charge of the mission school. 


The Newberry Library contains an appreciable amount of printed 
material that is of interest in this study. It can for the most part be 
found in the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions in Washington. 




In St. Elizabeth Convent, the Motherhouse of the Sisters of the 
Blessed Sacrament, there are letters and petitions of the Indians in 
the Territory written to Mother Katherine Drexel, to the Benedictine 
Fathers, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and to Father Stephan, 
then head of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. There is also a 
letter from Father W. H. Ketcham to the Franciscan Sisters. A list of 
churches and schools erected and equipped by Mother Katherine 
Drexel shows the extent of her generous donations for schools and 
churches for the Indians and for the Negroes in Indian Territory. A 
Prospectus of Saint John's Boarding School, Gray Horse, Oklahoma, 
under the direction of the Christian Schools furnishes information on 
the object, courses, and general regulations of this school when it 
passed from the control of the Franciscan Sisters. Newspaper clip- 
pings and photographs of the Indian schools in the course of their 
erection are also to be found in these files. 


In St. Patrick's Church adjoining St. Ann's Academy, may be found 
the Register of Marriages for Fort Smith and the Missions Attached 
Thereto 1845-1897: The Baptismal Register July 30, 1884 to October 
1869, also Registerum Baptism [sic] 1857-1900 signed by Fathers 
Lawrence and Michael Smyth. These records are not only of historical 
value to one writing on early church history in the diocese of Ar- 
kansas, of which Indian Territory was then a part, but for one inter- 
ested in the social conditions and political events of the period. Not 
only are the names and dates of persons baptized recorded, but in the 
margins numerous comments have been made. During the Civil War 
the church was occupied by Federal troops and the records in some 
places mutilated by them. When recovered after the conflict, the par- 
tial erasure of Yankee drawings and the caustic comments inserted by 
the pastor in the margin of the Baptismal Records gave strong evi- 
dence of his southern sympathies. Baptisms of slaves, prisoners con- 
demned to be executed who were visited by the Sisters of Mercy, bits 
of local history, the time of departure and return from missionary 
trips to the Indian Territory, make these early records of more than 
passing historical worth. 


In the archives of the Benedictine Sisters at St. Joseph Convent 
are preserved the Community Records dating back to 1889, the year 
of their coming to the Territory. Among these are the Scriptorium, 
a record of work of the community, its growth in members, material 
development, and incidents connected with its general history. There 
is a priceless manuscript copy of the Memoirs of Sister Anselma, be- 
gun at Carolton, Pennsylvania, in October, 1819. It is the story of 


the foundation in Creston, Iowa, its trials, vicissitudes, new members, 
and the final removal of the Motherhouse to Guthrie. In addition to 
these there are lists of schools under the care of the Benedictine Sis- 
ters, letters, reports, deeds, and various other documents of historical 
value. As is the case with practically all the institutions in Oklahoma, 
the manuscript material concerning their development since statehood 
is far greater than that concerning Territorial days. 


In the extensive newspaper collection of Nazareth Convent several 
printed articles are found, particularly those referring to Bishop Meer- 
schaert's appeal for funds for the Indian Territory. A Scrap Book with 
clippings of the yellow fever epidemic in 1876 was helpful. 


There are over nine hundred letters written to the rectors of the 
American college by priests, more than two score of whom were work- 
ing in Indian Territory from 1891-1907. From The Little Star of the 
Black Belt, Lynchburg, Virginia, edited by Reverend J. Anciaux, later 
pastor at Langston, Indian Territory, much of the story of the Church 
and school for Negroes at that place may be obtained. Clippings from 
The Living Age, a non-Catholic magazine for the colored race, pub- 
lished at Langston, are also useful. The American College Bulletin, 
Vols. I to VII, has a list of the alumni in the Prefecture Apostolic, the 
dates and incidents of ordinations and departures, and numerous let- 
ters written from the Indian Territory. These are rich sources of 
Church history in Oklahoma, and often give an insight into conditions 
that could not be found elsewhere. 


The most valuable document in the Chancery Office is the private 
Diary of Bishop Meerschaert. The more important events beginning in 
1889 and extending to the time of his death in 1924 were jotted down 
on the blank pages of an Ordo. Here is recorded, in some twenty or 
more of these books, a short autobiography, his appointments before 
coming to the Territory, his appointment as Vicar Apostolic and the 
events connected with his consecration, departure, and reception in 
Guthrie. From 1891 there is kept a consistent, sometimes daily account 
of the Bishop's activities; his appointments, ordinations, confirma- 
tions, lectures, trips in the Territory, the United States, and in Europe, 
all these are to be found on pages where household accounts, salaries 
paid, and items connected with his daily life are likewise listed. That 
the busy Bishop had little time for details is evidenced by the brevity 
of most of the entries. Abbreviations are common, and spelling often 
phonetic, but the Diary as a whole takes on the nature of a fast mov- 
ing narrative. 


A wealth of statistical material is in the archives of the Oklahoma 
Historical Association. Among the thousands of documents that con- 
cerned the history of the Five Civilized Tribes and the Plains groups 
are reports, contracts, applications, as well as much correspondence 
between the superintendents at Sacred Heart, Anadarko, Chickasha, 
and Purcell concerning the schools over which they had charge. The 
quarterly reports, with a list of teachers employed, students enrolled 
and the produce of field and orchard, gives evidence of the general 
progress of the schools. These manuscripts are in the files of each 
tribe under the general heading of Schools. Letters from the pupils 
of the Catholic Indian mission schools to the Indian Agent are in the 
files of the Sac and Fox as well as those of the Potawatomie. 


At the Osage Indian Agency is preserved the greatest collection of 
tribal records within the state. Among the manuscripts in the Miscel- 
laneous Correspondence file are: two letters of Father Shoenmakers; 
the list of pupils who enrolled at St. Louis School the first year; the 
first report of Mother Mary De Sales who was in charge of the school ; 
a number of letters from the Osage Indian Agent to the Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs regarding the two Catholic mission schools; a series 
of letters between the Agent and Commissioner concerning the request 
of Father Edward Van Waeberghe for land for church purposes; 
vouchers, petitions of the Osage Council for additional school funds; 
complaints and an occasional letter from a school child or its parents. 
The Gibson File contains much worth-while material including: a re- 
port of Inspector Edward Kemble regarding the repeated request of 
the Osage for Catholic missionaries; Osage petition to Ewing dated 
1874; petition against Catholic teachers, 1875, signed by nine Osage; 
excerpts from eastern newspapers and letters from Agent Gibson to 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Of particular interest, though of 
doubtful historical value, is the stenographic report regarding his- 
torical data of the first Catholic Church. This formed the proceedings 
of a meeting held in the parish hall May 23, 1937. At this time ques- 
tions were asked some of the old settlers and their answers recorded 
in an effort to preserve some of the past history of the Catholic begin- 
nings in Pawhuska. Because of the scholarly interest of Miss Lillian 
Mathews, the curator at Osage Agency, many interesting documents 
have been brought to light during the past few years and made avail- 
able to students of history. 

At St. Louis School the Sisters of Loretto have a number of School 
Registers that give the attendance of Indian children from 1889-1907. 
There may also be found a few statements of receipts and expendi- 
tures and other items of minor importance. 


In the private files of Father Urban de Basque, pastor of St. Rose 


of Lima Church, are documents of prime value: lists of Oklahoma 
priests, churches, parishes, transfers, etc.; his attractive pictorial his- 
tory of Oklahoma churches; his notes taken from a complete file of 
Les Missions Catholiques; copies of his own personal manuscripts as 
well as copies of manuscripts which he made from the archives of 
the Benedictine Fathers at Pierre-qui-Vire, France. 


The richest depository of primary material is the monastery of 
Pierre-qui-Vire. It was from here that the first Benedictine foundation 
was made in the South, on the Isle of Good Hope near Savannah, 
Georgia. Only two survived the yellow fever epidemic in 1876 and these 
joined Father Robot at Sacred Heart, Indian Territory, where he had 
made a second foundation. The original letters and reports of Father 
Robot, Father Ignatius Jean, and other Benedictines at Sacred Heart 
to the Abbot of Pierre-qui-Vire are to be found in the archives of the 
monastery. A lengthy manuscript describes Father Robot's trip to 
America and his near death from shipwreck. Though suppressed by 
the French government in 1880, the monastery is again in the hands 
of the Benedictines. Father Paul is the present librarian and archivist. 


In the archives of the Benedictine Fathers of Sacred Heart Priory 
are found the most important of all the materials for this vicinity. 
Of all the manuscripts here the Annals of Sacred Heart Mission 1876- 
1907 are the most valuable. They record the coming of the first co- 
laborers of Father Robot; the incidents connected with the erection 
of Sacred Heart Monastery, the missionary trips among the various 
Indian tribes; the growth and development of the new foundation; 
the erection of the novitiate, ordinations, deaths, and every event of 
importance connected with the Benedictine Fathers. From it too, may 
be gathered the intimate side of the life in the monastery; the hard- 
ships of a life under the rule of primitive observance; amusing inci- 
dents, days of special festivities; the occasions when distinguished 
visitors were welcome guests and whose presence afforded much joy 
to the religious. Every appointment made by the Prefects Apostolic, 
new churches dedicated, schools opened, records of retreats, missions, 
baptisms, are only a part of the historic matter in these community 
reports. Other manuscripts include a record of Churches Built and 
Missions Established by the Benedictine Fathers. This gives the year, 
the place and the name of the priest through whose efforts the new 
churches were erected. Records of Priests Educated at Sacred Heart, 
both secular and religious, who were educated and ordained at Sacred 
Heart. Lists of the deceased members of the community are helpful 
in reckoning the years of service of the Fathers. Two other manu- 
scripts deserve special mention. Reminiscences and Memoirs of 


Brother John Laracy gives an intimate picture of this kindly lay 
brother, who is living today. Arriving in the Territory in 1879 he has 
crowded into the pages of his memoirs a vivid picture of the Potawa- 
tomie country as seen by one from New England. Recollections of a 
Missionary Trip 1885, by Reverend Hilary Cassal, is a very lengthy 
document on a trip made in the western part of Indian Territory and 
extending from the first of October until the end of the month. Its 
value is to be found in the persons, places, and circumstances con- 
nected with the trip. The files, likewise, contain many other valuable 
bits of history; albums of pictures of the fathers, students, activities 
incident to the life of the monastery and school. 


A treasure house of Osage history is found in the Writings of Fa- 
ther Paul Mary Ponziglione, S. J., whose thirty-eight years of service 
(1852-1890) among the Osage, both in Kansas and Indian Territory, 
has been preserved in a collection of manuscripts in the archives of 
the Missouri Province of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis University. 
These consist, in part, in the Annales Missiones S. Francesci de Hero- 
nymo a Patribus Societatis Jesu institutae apud Indos Americae Sep- 
tentrionalis Osageos dictos compiled in three notebooks; the Annales, 
which give a list of priests who worked among the Osages from 1827 
to 1889 and a list giving the dates and localities of missionary stations 
begun by the Jesuits. Sixteen of these stations were within what is 
now the present state of Oklahoma. More important, however, is the 
Western Missions Journal, 10 Volumes. Here are recorded the mis- 
sionary activities of Father Ponziglione between 1867 and 1890. No 
less interesting than the history are the Journals themselves. The vol- 
umes are each an average five cent notebook in which Father Ponzi- 
glione has written in legible English a detailed account not only of 
his trips among the Osages and other tribes but his work among the 
white settlers, visits to the army posts and mining camps. The writ- 
ings in the Osage language include A Collection of Epistles and Gos- 
pels for the Sundays and Holy Days ; an Osage Dictionary and Hymn 
Book; Instruction on the Christian Doctrine for the Teaching of the 
Osage Indians Residing on the Neosho and Verdigres, State of Kan- 
sas, North America. From this collection of manuscripts one catches 
a glimpse of a kindly man of deep spirituality, a historian of natural 
bent and careful scholarship. The Jesuits in the Kaw Valley, a type- 
written manuscript by Father John F. O'Connor, S. J., is useful for the 
story of Sugar Creek Mission. It was from this mission that Jesuit 
missionaries made their first trips into Indian Territory. It is a work 
based almost wholly on source material. A copy of this is available 
at St. Louis University. 


The files of the Benedictine Fathers at St. Gregory's Abbey con- 


tain some material on the Church in the Territory, though they are 
much richer in matter that pertains to the time after statehood. 
Among the manuscripts is a file of Correspondence between the Bene- 
dictine Fathers and the Vicar Apostolic. Of particular value was a 
lengthy Report in the handwriting of Father Robot giving an account 
of the state of the Prefecture Apostolic in 1880. It is written in French 
and consists of answers, for the most part in detail, to sixty-four 
questions. They are concerned with the circumstances under which the 
Benedictines came to the Indian Territory, the condition of the coun- 
try, the number of priests, the needs of the missions, financial con- 
ditions, and other questions concerning the spiritual life of the mon- 
astery. Papal documents, deeds, blue prints, financial reports, and a 
very few letters are other sources found in these files. 


The valuable archives of Notre Dame University contain only one 
or two manuscripts of interest to this story. The newspaper files, how- 
ever, are particularly rich. Among those the Freeman's Journal is of 


The Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. This agency was estab- 
lished in 1874 and is an institution through which the affairs of the 
Indian missions are transacted with the United States Indian Office. 
The Bureau was the direct result of President Grant's "Indian Peace 
Policy" of December, 1870, in which he determined to give the agen- 
cies to such religious denominations as had before established mission- 
aries among the Indians. In 1870 there were seventy-two Indian agen- 
cies, and in thirty-eight of these Catholic missionaries had been the 
first to establish themselves. Despite the fact, only eight were assigned 
to the Catholic Church. This caused 80,000 Catholic Indians to pass 
from Catholic to Protestant control. 

At the instigation of the bishops under whose jurisdiction there 
were Indians, Archbishop Boyley, on January 2, 1874, appointed Gen- 
eral Charles Ewing, Catholic Commissioner, and Reverend Felix Ba- 
rotti, Treasurer. On June 14, 1881, the Bureau was incorporated un- 
der the general corporation laws of the United States. Father Branil- 
let died in 1884, and Reverend J. A. Stephan was appointed to suc- 
ceed him. Ten years later the old organization was superceded by a 
new corporation chartered in perpetuity by an act of the General 
Assembly of Maryland. The corporate title is "The Bureau of Catholic 
Indian Missions." Father Stephan was director until his death in 1901 
and was succeeded by Father Willard Ketcham, the first priest or- 
dained by Bishop Meerschaert. 

Since all the Catholic Indian schools in Oklahoma and Indian Ter- 
ritory were connected with the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, the 
files of this institution hold a vast amount of documentary material. 


The files are arranged chronologically and the material concerning 
the schools is found under date of their establishment. The manu- 
scripts include : letters of Bishop Meerschaert ; correspondence and re- 
ports from the Benedictine Fathers and the Sisters in charge of the 
various Indian schools; letters from parents, students, soldiers at the 
army posts and frequently letters from civilians; the petitions of the 
Osage for missionaries and religious teachers; their difficulties with 
the Indian agent, and aifairs at the Osage agency. No other single 
depository contains so great an amount of manuscript material perti- 
nent to the organization and development of Indian schools in Okla- 

In the manuscript collection of Georgetown University may be 
found Father Ponziglione's Osage Prayer Book and Short Catechism, 
and Osage Hymns with English translations. 

In the files of the Indian Office may be found the incoming corre- 
spondence from the Indian superintendents, the missionaries agents 
and oftentimes from the Indians themselves. The material is for most 
part unclassified and is to be found in bundles under the name of the 
Indian Tribes. The Division of Maps has several hundred of Okla- 
homa, ranging in date from 1835. The most useful of these, however, 
appear in "Indian Land Cessions in the United States" compiled by 
Charles C. Royce, published in the Eighteenth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian 
Institution, 1896-97, Washington 1899, Part 2. 


Acta Sanctae Sedis, Rome, Vol. IX, 1885, 425-426, has two decrees per- 
taining to Indian Territory. 

American College Bulletin, Louvain, Belgium, 1903-1907. 

This quarterly publication contains many items of value on the In- 
dian Territory. Practically every one of the seven volumes has some 
articles in reference to the Church or the priests working in the Ter- 
ritory. The names, dates of ordination, departures, visits, reprints of 
letters written from the Indian Territory to the American College, 
deaths, parish assignments are a few of the items recorded. It repre- 
sents one source of information concerning the work of the secular 
clergy of which scant record has been preserved. Besides Right Rev- 
erend Bishop Meerschaert and the Very Reverend Gustave Depreitere, 
Vicar General, the American College sent to Indian Territory twenty- 
three priests between 1893-1907; all are mentioned in the work. 

Annales de la Propagation de la Foi (Recueil Periodique des lettres 
des Eveques et des missionaires des Missions des deux mondes, et 
de tous les documents relatifs aux missions et a I'oeuvre de la pro- 
pagation de la foi.), 72 vols., Lyons and Paris, 1823-1900. 


The first volume records the visit of the Osage chiefs to Bishop 
Du Bourg. Volume 69 gave an account of the death of Father Robot, 
and volumes 49 to 80 contain records of contributions made to Indian 
Territory under the Prefecture and during the vicariate. 

Annals of the Catholic Indian Missions of America, Washington, 1877. 
This series of publications by the Bureau of Catholic Indian Mis- 
sions contains a great amount of material concerning the Indian Ter- 
ritory, most of which can be obtained from the Indian Advocate. One 
issue dated January 6, 1877, contained a lengthy letter from Father 
Robot shortly after his arrival at Atoka, Indian Territory, It describes 
a trip covering a distance of 1065 miles, made among the Indian tribes. 
Other incidents mentioned include the erection of the Prefecture, the 
proposed location of a mission school, and other matters of particular 
interest to the Indian Territory. 

Atoka Independent, Atoka, Indian Territory, March 1, 1877, July 27, 
1877, August 23, 1878. 
Reference to trips made by Father Robot among the Indian tribes. 

Atoka Vindicator, Atoka, Indian Territory, January 26, March 1, April 

12, April 19, December 13, 1876. 

Chronicles the services at the Catholic Church in Atoka, the open- 
ing of school, and trips made by Father Robot to the military forts 
and Indian reserves. 

Ave Maria, Notre Dame, Indiana, January 20, 1877. 

Supports and approves Mr. McMaster's plan for helping Father 
Robot in Indian Territory. 

Barney, Ralph A., Laws Relating to the Osage Tribe of Indiana, May 

18, 1824 to March 2, 1929, Washington, 1929. 

Consists of Acts of Congress relating to Osage affairs. It lists the 
Appropriation Acts of the Department of the Interior. 

Carroll, Mary Theresa Austin, Leaves from the Annals of the Sisters 

of Mercy, 4 volumes. New York, 1889. 

Contains sketches of the Order in Hispanic America and the United 
States. Chapters XLIII and LI tells of the foundation in Arkansas 
with several references to Indian Territory. 

Catholic Advocate, New York, January 30, 1879, Vol. X, No. 34. 

In an article entitled "The Indian's Need," a plea is made for a 
more humane and just treatment of the Indian. It concludes that it is 
the interest of all. Catholic and non-Catholic, that the religious be 
sustained in their work, given the necessary means, and be encouraged 
with the approval and support of the people. 


Catholic Church in the United States of America, 2 volumes, New 

York, 1908. 

Volume I is devoted to the religious communities in the United 
States. The original plan was to create a living portrayal of Catholic 
progress and development in the United States in honor of the golden 
jubilee of Pope Pius X. The articles are scholarly, exact, and are in 
almost every case signed. The articles on the Benedictine Fathers in 
Oklahoma, signed by Abbot Murphy, traces briefly the story of Sacred 
Heart Mission from 1877 to 1907. The table of statistics covering three 
decades is of special value. 

Catholic Home, Oklahoma City, September 8, 1923. 

This paper was the successor to the Orphan's Record and remained 
the diocesan organ until replaced by the Southwest Courier. This issue 
is known as the Thirty-Second Anniversary Number, in honor of Right 
Reverend Theophile Meerschaert. Its historical value lies in the "Ac- 
count of Right Reverend Bishop Meerschaert's Activities in the Dio- 
cese of Oklahoma as Taken from His Private Diary." The articles are 
arranged chronologically from 1889 to 1921. February 23, and March 
1, 1924, numbers contain incidents connected with the death of Bishop 

Catholic Telegraph, Cincinnati, October 24, 1901, Vol. 23, No. 16. 

Contains an appeal of Bishop Meerschaert for help in his labor 
among the Indians, with an account of the vicariate in 1891 and of 
the growth during the previous ten years. 

Chicago Times, February 28, 1878. "Injustice to Catholics." 
Refers to the Indian mission schools. 

Chimes. A Benedictine Quarterly Review published at Buckfast Abbey, 

II (July, 1922), No. 7. 

This special number is devoted to the past history of Buckfast 
Abbey, but records the death of Rt. Rev. Abbot Natter, O. S. B., Au- 
gust 4, 1906, when the ship Sirio sank near the coast of Spain. A like- 
ness of Father Thomas Duperou, first Abbot of Sacred Heart Indian 
Territory, as first Superior of the restored Buckfast, as well as many 
pictures of the ancient Abbey lend interest to the story. 

Dunn, John E., Memorial to Very Reverend Lawrence Smyth. Fort 
Smith, 1900. 81pp. 

Ex. Doc, No. 6, Senate, IfJfth Congress, 1st Sess., December 17, 1875. 
This gives an investigation of the affairs of the Osage Indian 
Agency with an abstract of the evidence and charges against the In- 
dian agent. Several references are given to his interference with peti- 
tions for Catholic schools and missionaries. 


Graves, W. W., Annals of Osage Missions, St. Paul, Kansas, 1935. 

The material contained in the publication of 490 pages has been 
collected "from hundreds of sources including personal knowledge, in- 
terviews, books, pamphlets, manuscripts, old letters and newspapers." 

Guy, Reverend F. S., The Catholic Church in Arkansas (1541-1843). 
Ms., M. A. Thesis, Catholic University Library, 57pp. 

Hasque, Very Reverend Urban de. Saint Patrick's Indian Mission of 

Anadarko Oklahoma, 1891-1915, n. d. 

This historical sketch written by the former chancellor of the dio- 
cese was one of several publications of St. Joseph's Orphanage dealing 
with the history of the Church in Oklahoma. The pamphlet contains 
twenty-six pages. 

Historical Sketch, Quarter Century's Incipience, Growth and Develop- 
ment of the Holy Family Parish, Tulsa, Oklahoma, 1899-1924. 
The contents of this work is indicated by the sub-title. In the two 
hundred pages written from the parish records one is able to see the 
remarkable development of the parish whose frame church in 1899 
measured only 30 x 50 and is a quarter century later replaced by a 
million dollar edifice. Holy Family Co-Cathedral, one of the most beau- 
tiful edifices in the Southwest. Illustrations of the old church and 
school, pictures of all the pastors who have been appointed to the 
parish, various societies, lists of those who helped to finance the new 
church and a list of the parishioners makes this Silver Jubilee number 
a record of no small value. 

House Ex. Docs., No. 131, 41 Cong., 3rd Sess., Vol. XII, February 11, 

1871. Serial No. 1460. 

Communication to obtain the consent of the Osage to move to 
Indian Territory. 

House Ex. Docs., No. 152, ^2 Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. X, February 17, 

1872. Serial No. 1513. 

Appropriation for settlement, subsistence, and support of Osage. 

House Ex. Docs., No. I46, 1^2 Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. X, February 15, 

1872. Serial No. 1512. 

Expenses necessary for the removal of the Osage. 

House Ex. Docs., No. 1^2, Jf2 Cong., 3rd Sess., Vol. VIII, January 30, 

1873. Serial No. 1566. 

Estimate on appropriations to pay Osage annual interest of 5 per 
cent on proceeds of sales of Osage trust and diminished reserve lands. 

House Ex. Docs., No. 183, ^2 Cong., 3rd Sess., Vol. IX, February 4, 
1873. Serial No. 1567. 


Amendment to appropriation bill for removal of Great and Little 
Osage from Kansas in accordance with treaty. 

House Misc. Docs., No. 1^9, 40 Cong., 3rd Sess., February 15, 1869. 

Serial No. 1385. 

This is a protest against the ratification of the treaty with the 
Great and Little Osage. 

Indian Advocate, Sacred Heart, Indian Territory, 1888-1910, 22 vol- 

Begun by the second Prefect Apostolic, this quarterly has the dis- 
tinction of being the first Catholic publication in the Territory. It re- 
mained the diocesan organ until 1910 when chiefly through lack of 
support it was discontinued. The paper had for its object the cause of 
the Indians and was an attempt to give a history of their progress 
toward civilization. In 1888 only one issue appeared, the Prospectus. 
The year following it came out as a quarterly, of four pages of small 
in-folio size. In 1893 it was published in Royal Octavo size of twenty- 
four pages. In 1902 it was reduced to regular Octavo dimensions with 
the pages numbering thirty-six. From 1902 to June, 1910, the last 
issue, it was published each month. Only two complete files of this 
publication are known to exist. One is found at Sacred Heart Priory 
at Sacred Heart, Oklahoma, and the other in the private collection of 
Reverend Urban de Hasque. At Smithsonian Institute in Washington, 
D. C, the following volumes may be found: 6-22 (1894-1910). The files 
of the Indian Advocate are rich in the history of the early Benedic- 
tines in the Territory, missionary and educational. It recorded news 
from each of the Indian missions, biographical sketches of the priests 
in the Territory, the coming of the various religious orders of women, 
deaths, ordinations, personal notes, changes in parishes, statistics that 
indicated the growth in the Catholic population, both Indian and white. 
Through its wide publication the needs of the Territory were brought 
to the attention of persons throughout the country and as a conse- 
quence much assistance was given to the Indians at the mission 
schools. The early issues devoted columns strictly to the work of the 
Church and for that reason it is practically the only printed source of 
the Church's history during Territorial days. The articles were well 
written, and have real historical value. 

Indian Sentinel. An annual published in the interest of the Society for 
the Preservation of the Faith among Indian children by the Bureau 
of Catholic Indian Missions. Washington, 1902-1938. 
The issues of this small publication, consisting generally of fifty 
odd pages, contain much of value to the Indian Mission schools in In- 
dian Territory. Of these, certain numbers are of particular interest to 
this study. Namely, the 1902-1903 number, for its appeal on behalf of 
the Catholic Indian schools; "The Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament 


Number," 1907, which contains an excellent account of Mother Kath- 
erine Drexel and also an article on St. Mary's Academy at Sacred 
Heart; "The Archbishop Ryan Number," for the account of St. Louis 
Industrial School at Pawhuska and St. John's at Gray Horse; "Our 
Lady of Guadalupe Number," 1914, for splendid accounts of Sacred 
Heart Institute at Vinita, St. Agnes School, Antlers, as well as the 
items on missionary work among the Choctaws; "The Father de Smet 
Number," 1916, continues the story of "In Choctaw Lands" and in- 
cludes a worth-while article on Matthias Spitlog, one of the best known 
Catholic Indians in the Territory. The Indian Sentinel is a source for 
Catholic Indian history, not only in Oklahoma but wherever Catholic 
Indian missions are located. 

Les Benedictins de Sainte Marie de la Pierre-qui-Vire (Diocese de 
Sens ) . Pamphlet printed at Monastere de Sainte Marie de la Pierre- 
qui-Vire par Quarre les Tombes in 1877. 

This little study containing seventy-four pages is a brief history 
of the founding of the monastery of Pierre-qui-Vire and a discussion 
of monastic life under the rule of the primitive observance. 

Les Missions Catholiques (Bulletin hebdomadaire illustre de L'Oeuvre 
de la Propagation de la Foi. Lettres et recits des Missionaires, 
Voyages, Geographie, Sciences, Arts, Cartes et Gravures inedites. 
A Lyon, au bureau des Missions Catholiques, rue d'Auvergne 6). 
From January 26, 1877, until March 29, 1901, practically every 
issue of this publication gave some space to affairs in the Indian Ter- 
ritory. The articles included letters from Father Isidore Robot and 
other Benedictines at Sacred Heart; decrees of the Propaganda such 
as naming Father Robot titular Abbot; the erection of the Novitiate 
at Sacred Heart and others; resignations, appointments, deaths, sta- 
tistics, recruits, the beginning of new mission schools, erection of 
churches, missionary trips, the progress and development of the vi- 
cariate, the appointment of a Vicar Apostolic, in short, scores of ar- 
ticles concerning the Church in Indian Territory. 

Letters and Notices, 50 volumes, Roehampton, England, 1863-1935. 

A publication by the Society of Jesus for private circulation only. 
Of interest to this study are the letters of Father Colleton and one of 
Father Ponziglione regarding the work at Osage Mission. 

Little Star of the Black Belt, Lynchburg, Virginia, September, 1902, 
Vol. I, No. 2. 

The value of this small monthly publication is that it was edited 
by Father J. Anciaux who worked so zealously in the Territory in be- 
half of the Negro. The article entitled "Langston and Oklahoma" gave 
a worth-while picture of "little Africa." The publication had a number 
of reprints from other Catholic papers. 


Louisville Catholic Advocate, Louisville, Kentucky, November 6, 1876. 
Article concerning the yellow fever epidemic at the Isle of Hope, 
near Savannah, Georgia. 

Lucy, Reverend John M., Souvenir of a Silver Jubilee, Little Rock, 

This small publication, consisting of thirty-two pages, is a simple 
narrative of the Church in Arkansas. It represents for the most part 
items jotted down from personal recollections or from conversations 
with persons familiar with the events. In it one may find a record of 
the visits made by priests from the diocese of Arkansas, of which the 
Indian Territory was a part until 1876. It gives a worth-while picture 
of the diocese at that time, of the Indian Territory, and the Forts 
where the priests made frequent visits. The value of the narrative is 
that it is one of the very few publications on the Church in Arkansas, 
and what is mentioned concerning the visits of priests from Fort 
Smith is substantiated by the Baptism and Marriage Records. 

Memorial Volume. A History of the Third Plenary Council of Balti- 
more. November 9 to December 7, 1884. Baltimore, 1885. 
Contains a brief sketch of the life of Father Robot and an excellent 

picture of him. 

Mills, Lawrence, The Lands of the Five Civilized Tribes, St. Louis, 


A treatise upon the law applicable to the lands of the Five Civi- 
lized Tribes with a compilation of all treaties, federal acts, laws of 
Arkansas, and of the several tribes relating thereto, together with the 
rules and regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Interior gov- 
erning the sale of tribal lands, the leasing and sale of alloted lands 
and the removal of restrictions. 

Morning Star, New Orleans, Louisiana, December 6, 1876. 

New Orleans Morning Star, New Orleans, Louisiana, August 22, 1880. 

New York Freeman's Journal and Catholic Register, 76 volumes. New 

York, 1840-1909. 

From the date of the erection of the Prefecture and the appoint- 
ment of Father Robot, the Freeman's Journal, under the direction of 
the aggressive James McMaster, began to record events connected with 
it. The extensive correspondence between Father Robot and Mr. 
McMaster is important. For three years, 1876-1879, the letters of the 
Prefect Apostolic appeared in Freeman's Journal. Father Robot wrote 
not only interesting letters but very long ones. They ranged in length 
from five pages to twelve and one consisted of twenty. During the 
year 1879 this newspaper devoted a large amount of space to the 
"Confraternity for Reparation to the Indians," a plan for raising 


funds for the Prefecture Apostolic. Each week during the entire year, 
the contributions received were listed and very frequently a number 
of letters received were published. In addition there are dozens of 
editorials devoted to the cause of the Prefecture. During this year, 
too, the difficulties between the Freeman's Journal and the Bureau of 
Catholic Indian Missions grew out of the journal soliciting funds, an 
infringement on the rights claimed by the Bureau. Scathing editorials, 
sometimes two double columns in length, set forth the attitude of the 
editor toward the attacks on his pet plan. He emerged triumphant, it 
seems, for the Confraternity received the blessing of the Holy Father, 
the amount desired was collected, and peace reigned once again in the 
columns of the Freeman's Journal. Of historical value are later issues 
of this paper, particularly during 1880-1884. After that date, however, 
the Prefecture did not seem to receive any publicity from this source. 
The Freeman's Journal is a source not only for the history of the 
Church in Indian Territory but has many articles of value concerning 
the Church in other parts of the southwest. The Journal began in 
1840, absorbed the Catholic Register in 1841, and in 1910 passed out 
of existence. 

New York Tablet, New York, Saturday, June 1, 1878, on the Catholic 
Indian Bureau ; Saturday, August 24, 1876, account of yellow fever 
in the South with particular reference to Savannah, Georgia ; June 
1, 1878, reference to the difficulty between the Bureau of Catholic 
Indian Missions and the Freeman's Journal over funds for the In- 
dian Territory; September 21, 1878, an appeal of John Cardinal 
McCloskey, Archbishop of New York for funds for the South 
stricken by yellow fever. 

Oeuvre des Missions Catholiques des Etats-Unis D'Amerique, Rome, 


A small pamphlet published by the Propaganda in the interest of 
the Catholic missions of the United States. It contains a letter of the 
Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda recommending the work to 
all the bishops of the United States. It has also a brief explanation 
of the Bureau itself ; the object of the work, in what it consists and its 
personnel. There is an estimate made of the number of Indians in the 
United States, those who are Catholic or the descendents of Catholics. 
The last page is devoted to an appeal for support and a list of the 
hierarchy approving the project. 

Oklahoma Daily Capital, Guthrie, Indian Territory, September 29, 

Orphan's Record, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, 1915-1924, 11 volumes. 

This was the second Catholic monthly to appear in Oklahoma. Of 
particular interest is Volume I, characterized by the number of articles 


on matters of historical interest in the diocese. Many of these are 
signed and are all scholarly. They include such items as Catholic 
buildings erected; Catholic churches incorporated; news from each of 
the parishes; reports from the various religious congregations; 
hanges among the clergy; Episcopal appointments and other subjects 
of purely historical character. Unfortunately the later volumes of this 
publication did not continue recording Church history as was done the 
first year. Although all the succeeding issues fall far short of that of 
of 1915 there are some that are of definite historic worth. 

Purcell Register, Purcell, Oklahoma, March 30, 1893. 

A tribute by a non-Catholic, to the Benedictine Fathers at Sacred 

Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 

Boston, 1820, to the present time. 

It is one of the richest sources for the history of Presbyterian mis- 
sionary activity with a substantial reference to their work in Indian 

Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1832-1937. 

Contains reports from the missionaries and those in charge of the 
various Indian schools. In 1832 the office was established in the War 
Department and continued there until 1849. At this date it was re- 
moved to the Department of the Interior. 

Reports of the Governor of Oklahoma Territory, Washington, 1893- 


A general description of the Territory, its natural resources, at- 
tractions, future possibilities with tables of statistics showing the in- 
dustrial development and other features are contained in these yearly 
reports. Of particular value are the statistics showing the number of 
Catholic churches, priests, chapels, stations, residences, church mem- 
bership, schools for whites, colored, and Indians, and even the Sunday 
schools with their number in attendance. They serve as an index to 
the growth of the Catholic Church in the Territory. 

Revista Catolica, Las Vegas, New Mexico, April 30, 1893. Excursion 
of Reverend P. Salvador Persone, S. J., from Trinidad, Colorado, 
to the Mexican settlement in western Oklahoma. November 4, 1894, 
Father Persone describes another visit to the same Mexican settle- 
ment in company with Bishop Meerschaert. 

Robot, Right Reverend Dom Isidore, The Life of the Reverend Mary 
John Baptist Muard. Founder of the Missionary Priests of the 
Benedictine Monastery of St. Mary of Pierre-qui-Vire. Translated 
from the French of the Abbe Brulee, New York and Cincinnati, 


This is the first printed account of the foundation of the Benedic- 
tine monastery of Pierre-qui-Vire, the Motherhouse of the Benedictine 
Fathers of Sacred Heart. It is evidence, too, of the untiring energy 
of the first Prefect Apostolic, who in the midst of labors in the wilds 
of Indian Territory could devote time to work of this nature. 

Sadlier's Catholic Directory, Almanac and Ordo, New York, 1864-1889; 
also Hoffman's Catholic Directory, Almanac and Clergy List, 1886- 
These directories contain very valuable statistical lists. 

Senate Mis. Docs., No. 131, l{2nd Cong., 2nd Bess., Vol. II, April 11, 

1872, Serial No. 1478. 

Confirmation of the reservation in Indian Territory to Great and 
Little Osage. 

Schmeckebier, Laurence F., The Office of Indian Affairs, Its History, 
Activities and Organizations (Service Monograph of the United 
States Government, 48), Baltimore, 1927. 

A detailed study of the relationship between the United States 
government and the Indian Tribes to the year 1928. The periods of 
allotment and citizenship, particularly since 1887 is developed in de- 
tail. The removal of the Indians is briefly discussed. The tables of 
statistics, the maps and table of reservations and agencies are of serv- 
ice to the study of Indian Territory. 

Southern Messenger, San Antonio, Texas, April 6, 1905. 

This issue contains an article reprinted from The Living Age, 
Langston, Oklahoma, Territory. It tells the story of the establishment 
of Holy Family Colored School, of the first teachers, and the school's 
growth and successful operation. 

Thwaites, R. C, Early Western Travels, 1848-1856, 32 volumes, Cleve- 
land, 1904-1907. 

From this compilation of western history, an excellent account of 
the Territory in the early part of the century was written by Thomas 
Nuttalls, Journal of Travels into the Arkansas Territory during the 
Year 1819, XIII, Cleveland, 1905. 

Woodstock Letters (A Record of the Current Events and Historical 
Notes connected with the Colleges and Missions of the Society of 
Jesus), 67 volumes, Woodstock, Maryland, 1872-1938. 
In this series printed for private circulation volumes III-IX, XI- 
Xni, XVIII, embracing the years 1874-1889, contain material per- 
tinent to this study. The missionary trips made by Father Ponziglione, 
S. J., into the Indian Territory and the incidents connected with such 


visits are some of the items in these reports that help to show the 
extent of Jesuit activity in Indian Territory. 

Wallrapp, Reverend James J., Our Lady of Prompt Succor Churchy 
A booklet of 35 pages published some time before statehood. 



Barnaba, Sister Mary, O. S. F., A Diamond Crown for Christ the King. 
A Story of the First Franciscan Foundation in Our Country 1855- 
1930, Glen Riddle, Pennsylvania, 1930. 

Baska, Sister Mary Regina, O. S. B., The Benedictine Congregation of 
Saint Scholastica: Its Foundation and Development (1852-1930). 
The Catholic University of America Studies in American Church 
History, XX, Washington, 1935. 

Catholic Encyclopedia. 15 volumes. New York, 1907. 

Clarke, Richard Henry, Lives of the Deceased Bishops of the Catholic 
Church in the United States, New York, 1888. 

Code, Reverend Joseph Bernard, Great American Foundresses, New 
York, 1929. 

Dehey, E. T., Religious Orders of Women in the United States, rev. 
ed., Hammond, Indiana, 1930. 

Fitzgerald, Sister Mary Paul, The Osage Mission: A Factor in the 
Making of Kansas, Ms., Ph. D. dissertation, St. Louis University, 

By far the most scholarly treatment of the Jesuit Mission at St. 
Paul, Kansas. The manuscript collection of Father Ponziglione in the 
archives of St. Louis University was the inspiration of this work. The 
development of the Mission was studied against a background of Gov- 
ernment Indian policy, missionary endeavor and Indian life and cus- 
toms. Based almost wholly on primary materials it is of importance to 
any one writing on the Osage Indians. 

Gately, Sister Mary Josephine, The Sisters of Mercy. Historical 

Sketches (1831-1931). New York, 1931. 

The history of the Sisters of Mercy is told "from historical matter 
gathered from five continents." The sketch on St. Mary's School at 
Sacred Heart is disappointing. 

Gittinger, Roy, The Formation of the State of Oklahoma, 1803-1906. 
University of California Publications in History, Volume VI, Ber- 
keley, 1917. 


Gould, Charles N., Oklahoma Place Names, Linguistic Origins, Physio- 
graphic Names, Names of Counties, Post Offices, Towns, Forts, 
Old Timers, Obsolete Terms, Norman, Oklahoma, 1933. 

Graves, William W., Life and Letters of Reverend Father John Schoen- 
mahers, S. J., Apostle to the Osages, Parsons, Kansas, 1928. 

Griffin, J., Contributions of Belgium to the Catholic Church in Amer- 
ica, 1823-1857. The Catholic University of America, Studies in 
American Church History, XIII, Washington, D. C, 1932. 

Harlow, Rex, Oklahoma Leaders, Biographical Sketches of the Fore- 
most Living Men of Oklahoma, Oklahoma City, 1928. 

Hodge, Frederick Webb (Ed.), Handbook of American Indians North 
of Mexico. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, Parts I and 
II, Washington, 1907-1910. 

Indian Territory, Descriptive Biographical, Geneological, including the 
Landed Estates, County Seats with General History of the Terri- 
tory, New York, 1901. 
Contains several biographical sketches of Oklahoma priests. 

Kinsella, Reverend Thomas H., A Century of Catholicity in Kansas 
1822-1922 Catholic Indian Missions and Missionaries of Kansas. 
The Pioneers of the Prairies, Kansas City, 1921. 

Lucy, Reverend J. J., The Catholic Church in Arkansas, Little Rock, 


A small pamphlet of fifty-five pages, based on the Silver Jubilee 
edition by the same author. 

Miscellaneous Indian Documents, 1870-19 — . United States Department 
of the Interior, 54 volumes, Washington, Government Printing Of- 
fice, 1870-19—. 

Moorehead, Warren King, Archaeology of the Arkansas River Valley, 
with supplementary papers on "The Prehistoric Cultures of Okla- 
homa," by Joseph Thoburn. Published for the Department of 
Archaeology, Andover, Massachusetts, 1931. 

Morrison, William Brown, Military Posts and Camps in Oklahoma, 

Oklahoma City, 1936. 

Although the author devotes considerable space to the non-Catho- 
lic missionaries who visited the military posts, no mention is made of 
Catholic priests. 

Owens, Sister Mary Lilliana, S. L., The History of the Sisters of Lor- 
etto in the Trans-Mississippi West, Ms., Ph. D. Dissertation, St. 
Louis University, 1935. 


Portrait and Biographical Record of Oklahoma. Commemorating the 
achievement of citizens who have contributed to the progress of 
Oklahoma and the development of its resources. Chicago, 1901. 

Shea, John Gilmary, History of the Catholic Missions among the In- 
dians, New York, 1885. 

Shea, John Gilmary, A History of the Catholic Church in the United 
States, 4 volumes, New York, 1890. 

Shipp, Bernard, The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida or Rec- 
ord of the Events of Fifty-Six Years from 1512-1568, Philadelphia, 

The History of Catholicity in Arkansas, ed., Diocesan Historical Com- 
mission, Little Rock, 1925. 

The Romance of Oklahoma, Oklahoma Author's Club, Oklahoma City, 

Thoburn, Joseph B., assisted by a Board of Advisors, A Standard His- 
tory of Oklahoma. An Authentic Narrative of Its Development 
from the Date of the First European Exploration Down to the Pres- 
ent Time including Accounts of the Indian Tribes, Both Civilized 
and Wild, of the Cattle Range, of the Land Openings and the 
Achievements of the Most Recent Period, 5 volumes, Chicago and 
New York, 1916. 

Thomas, Alfred B., After Coronado, University of Oklahoma Press, 

Walker, Francis A., The Indian Question, Boston, 1878. 

Webb, Walter Prescott, The Great Plains, Boston, 1931. 

Winship, George Parker, "The Coronado Expedition 1540-1542," Four- 
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 1892- 
1893, Washington, 1896. 


Anderson, Sister Pauline, O. S. B., "Benedictine Sisters in the United 
States," Little Flower Monastery Messenger. Newton, New Jersey, 
July, 1933. 

Ave Maria, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1865-1938. January 20, 1877. 

Bandelier, Adolphe F. A., "Fray Juan de Padilla, the Frst Catholic 
Missionary and Martyr in Eastern Kansas, 1542," American Catho- 
lic Quarterly Review, XV (1890), 551-565. 

Bandelier, Adolphe F. A., "Final Report of Investigations among the 


Indians of Southwestern United States Carried on from 1880-1885," 
Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Se- 
ries, III, IV, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1886. 

"The Benedictines" by one of themselves, The Catholic World, XXXI 
(1880), 243-257. 

Chronicles of Oklahoma. Published quarterly by the Oklahoma His- 
torical Society, Oklahoma City, 1924-1938. 

DeHasque, Reverend Urban, "Early Catholic History of Oklahoma," 
The Southwest Courier, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, July-December, 

DeHasque Reverend Urban, "Religious Congregations in Oklahoma," 
The Southwest Courier, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, March-May, 
Presents the view that the expedition never left Texas. 

Fitzgerald, Sister Mary Paul, "A Jesuit Circuit Rider," Mid-America, 

XVIII (July, 1936), 162-198. 

A life of Father Paul Ponziglione, S. J., based for the most part on 
the Western Missions Journal, Ms. collection at St. Louis University. 

Ganss, Reverend H. C, "The Indian Mission Problem, Past and Pres- 
ent," The Catholic Mind, New York, September, 1904. 
A scholarly discussion of the Peace Policy of President Grant, the 

organization and work of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, 

Mother Katherine Drexel and the various religious orders working 

among the Indian groups. 

Hitta, Reverend Aloysius, "Saint Patrick's Indian Mission at Ana- 
darko, Oklahoma," The Oklahoma Indian School Magazine (Kiowa 
Edition), Chiloco, Oklahoma, December, 1932, 

Ketcham, William H., "Brief Historical Sketch of Catholic Indian Mis- 
sion Work in the United States of America." Miscellanea Theo- 
logica, XXIX, No. 17. "Our Catholic Indian Missions." Miscellanea 
Historica, Ecclesiastica, XIV. "Catholic Educational Effort in the 
Two Territories," Indian Advocate, XV (January, 1903). 

Lanslots, Reverend D. I., "Saint Anthony's Hospital," The Acorn, 
Oklahoma City, 1936. 

Mildred, M. M., S. H. C. J., "James Alphonsus McMaster, Pioneer Cath- 
olic Journalist of the United States," Records of the American 
Catholic Historical Society, XL VI (March, 1935), 1-25. 

Rothensteiner, Reverend John E., "The Champion of the Catholic In- 
dian Schools," Central-Blatt and Social Justice, XVII (1924-1925). 


Saint Rose of Lima Parish Bulletin, Perry, Oklahoma, 1935-1938, XIII 

(September, 1933). 

A small monthly publication edited by Reverend Urban de Hasque. 
Half of the space is devoted to the affairs of the parish, the remainder 
to diocesan history. 

Steck, Francis Borgia, "The Neglected Aspects of the De Soto Expe- 
dition," Mid-America, XV (July, 1932), 3-27. 

Stolfa, Florence J., "Catholic Folk Organized in '92," The Daily Ard- 
morite, Ardmore, Oklahoma, July 21, 1937. 

The Dallas Morning News, Dallas, Texas, April 21, 1929. 

A feature article entitled "Observe Fortieth Anniversary of Okla- 
homa's Settlement as Early Days of State Recalled." 

The Central Catholic Advocate, August 14, 1884. "The Benedictines in 
the Diocese of Savannah." 

The Southwest Courier, Oklahoma City, 1925-1938. 

No other printed source contains more material on the Church in 
Oklahoma than the files of this Catholic weekly. Although it is con- 
cerned chiefly with the news of the diocese at the present time, many 
articles may be found, especially in the Annual, a special number is- 
sued each year, that have material pertinent to the church in Terri- 
torial days. 

Sister Ursula Thomas, O. S. B. 

Notes and Comment 


Students of the history of the Upper Missouri region in the fur- 
trading period will find an indispensable aid for their purpose in Dr. 
Annie Heloise Abel's edition of Char don's Journal at Fort Clark 183^- 
1839 (Pierre, South Dakota, 1932). The journal, not previously pub- 
lished and since its publication somewhat overlooked, is, for all its 
prosaic detail, a revealing and often vivid picture of conditions in the 
fur trade and of the accompanying relations between Indians and 
whites at a remote post in frontier days. The value of the document 
is enormously enhanced by the editor's introduction and notes. Some 
eighty pages of illustrative documents, most of them published for the 
first time, are also included in the volume, which is rounded out by a 
highly detailed and most usable index. Francis S. Chardon was a typ- 
ical and richly experienced trader who made contacts with most of 
the leading members of the fur-trading fraternity of his day, and his 
experiences at Fort Clark in the present North Dakota, one of the 
three principal posts of the American Fur Company, where he was in 
charge for a period, fill out the pages of his journal. 

Dr. Abel's introduction to the journal is an objective and penetrat- 
ing study of that perennially interesting phase of early American eco- 
nomic life, the fur trade, particularly as conducted on the Upper Mis- 
souri in Chardon's time. Intimate familiarity with the subject from 
the study of first-hand sources is evidenced on every page. The mate- 
rials for thorough-going and critical analysis of the western fur trade 
during the frontier period are still for the most part unpublished, and 
it is on such materials that Dr. Abel based her study. As to the notes, 
they run to one hundred and twenty-three pages in rather fine print 
and collectively are a mine of authentic and otherwise practically in- 
accessible information regarding the careers of the early traders of 
the Upper Missouri region, the activities of the American Fur Com- 
pany in the same area, and in general, life in all its phases as it went 
on in that far-flung section of the American scene. Straightforward 
comment upon the notes would be that they appear to be the most 
permanently valuable part of the volume. 

To the general reader the most readable part of the journal is 
probably the pages telling of the terrible smallpox epidemic of 1837, 
which almost wiped the Mandan tribe out of existence. Chardon's data 
on the tragedy may seem unduly matter-of-fact, but they are poign- 
antly significant. 

All in all, Dr. Abel has made a contribution of the utmost value 
to a subject the treatment of which, in the present status of American 



historiography, is not any too well advanced. This contribution should 
long ago have received its merited notice in these pages. Students and 
readers will likewise find themselves under obligation to Dr. Lawrence 
K. Fox, under whose auspices as superintendent of the department of 
history of the State of South Dakota the volume was published. — 
G. J. G. 

The Report of the Newberry Library of Chicago, just issued, states 
that the library completed in 1937 fifty years since its establishment 
in 1887 as a reference library, and surveys briefly its record of service 
to serious students in the fields of American history, English litera- 
ture, history of the art of printing, and other subjects connected with 
the so-called humanities. 

One donation to the library during the past year is of special in- 
terest to students of early American history. This is a collection of 
books, formed by a trustee, Mr. William B. Greenlie, that comprises 
practically all the printed sources and secondary material dealing with 
the Portuguese discoveries and colonization in America of the six- 
teenth century. This acquisition supplements the material on the Span- 
ish voyages and colonization of the same period in the Ayer section 
of the Newberry Library, and places at the service of students a 
wealth of valuable material. 

The Check List of Manuscripts, issued by the library in 1937, has 
already brought to light a manuscript that became the subject of an 
article, "The Chronicle of Perez de Ribas," in the April issue of Mid- 
America, written by the editor of this quarterly. — W. S. M. 


Some novels are known to have distinct historical value. Novelists 
have been known to spend much time in gathering items from source 
books and even documents for the purpose of presenting a trust- 
worthy picture of the past. But the purposes of the novel and of the 
historical writing will forever remain divorced; even a good novel 
cannot be termed good history. Recently, an "historical" novel. Black 
Forest, by Meade Minningerode, was published as a part of the cele- 
bration of the passing of the Ordinance of 1787. It purports to tell the 
story of the George Rogers Clark campaign and brings in Father Gi- 
bault and his part in Clark's success. The story is unfortunately over- 
laden with profanity, the idea of the author being possibly to make 
his characters more human. 

In a note (p. 359) we find that "the author has taken minor liber- 
ties with the career of Father Gibault." One of the "minor liberties" 
might be the statement: "Father Gibault said that it might be disre- 
garding the secret of the confessional to tell me, but that it would be 
a greater sin not to" (p. 215). Such a statement may have been intro- 


duced by an author for dramatic or patriotic or other reasons, and it 
might be included under the blanketing heading of a minor liberty. 
But it is major in its offensiveness, to both ecclesiastical and historical 
ears. If the novelist sought to extol the patriot priest, he succeeded by 
this characterization only in depriving him of both qualities of priest- 
liness and patriotism. Gibault becomes Machiavellian by following the 
"end justifies the means" principle. He becomes a spurious patriot, 
one who cannot be trusted with anything if he cannot keep the se- 
crecy of the confessional. Bad history, bad novel writing, and bad 
taste run together in this sentence. — E. O. M. 


For years past, historians have been making great wishes that 
certain things would turn up to rid them of troubles regarding mooted 
and apparently unsolvable problems. There are a number of perennial 
sources for debate because of a lack of authentic documentary evi- 
dence, and the points have both local and national interest. One sub- 
ject of profound study and debate has been the question of Wineland, 
or the accurate story of the early Norse voyages to America. The 
trips of these early comers are open to disputed interpretations, since, 
to give one reason, the Saga of Eric the Red differs from an account 
in the Flatey Book. The termini of the journeys are debated. If some 
monument of stone or some writing had been left in America by 
Bjarni, or Leif, or Karlsefni, or some other, great advances could be 
made toward the solution of the problems: when and whereto did the 
Scandinavians come. A second puzzle has been that of the Roanoke 
colony of the English. If the people of the lost colony had only left 
some traces of their movements and fate, how convenient it would be 
for historians of today. Students of California history have long ex- 
pressed both amazement and chagrin over the actions of the pirate 
Francis Drake, who spent some months off the coast of California and 
was not curious enough to go over the mountains to discover the 
beautiful Bay of San Francisco. Or did he ? The Mississippi Valley and 
the plains beyond have contributed their share of mysteries. A point 
of controversy between Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, and Nebraska has 
been the location of Quivira, the end of the trail for Coronado. An- 
other moot point has been the route followed by the famed conquista- 
dor De Soto and the scene of his death and burial. And these are 
merely some examples of facts which needed elucidation. 

But now things are being found which have successively aroused 
debate. The Kensington Stone is considered by some as a partial solu- 
tion of the Norse mystery. A brass plate, tentatively identified as be- 
longing at one time to Drake's ship, was discovered over the moun- 
tains along the Bay of San Francisco. The description of this is writ- 
ten by Herbert E. Bolton in the California Historical Society Publi- 
cation of last year. At the end of 1937, a quartz stone, was found in 


the east, having on its surface scratches which, if proved authentic 
by the many researchers laboring over them, are the writings of some 
member of Raleigh's Roanoke colony. The description of this is pub- 
lished in The Journal of Southern History for May, 1938. Coming out 
of the earth of northeastern Kansas, another inscription stone bears 
indications of having been a marker for the end of the Coronado ex- 
pedition. The stone adds evidence to Winship's opinion about the site 
of Quivira, but still it does not settle the debate. Last year also, two 
coffins were accidentally unearthed on the river bank opposite Mem- 
phis. Newspapers carried stories to the effect that the remains within 
the coffins might be those of De Soto and his chief warrier. When 
litigation over the possession of the remains has run its course, per- 
haps something may be done in the way of investigation, in which 
this editor was asked to participate. This last named finding leaves 
the historian in a skeptical mood. Are too many things, long sought, 
being found? 


Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, January-June, 1938, has a 
well documented account in Spanish of "Pedro Martinez (1533-1566), 
La Primera Sangre Jesuitica en las Misiones Norteamericanas," by 
Felix Zubillaga, S. J., who is in Rome preparing documents on the 
Jesuits in Florida for publication. While the account reveals some new 
sources on the earlier life of Martinez, it is deficient as far as the 
Florida scene is concerned. Father Martinez, the early martyr of Flor- 
ida, has interested readers by reason of his personality. He is admired 
for his brave act of landing on the shores of Florida, not so much, it 
appears, to evangelize the treacherous savages as to die for the faith. 
The story of his deed is rather well known. 

Several points are not cleared up by the article, or, for that mat- 
ter, by preceding writers, Astrain, Lowery, Kenny, Lanning, and 
Ugarte. The difficulties are these: Where did the Flemish boat carry- 
ing the missionary band, Martinez, Rogel, and Villarreal go after it 
broke from the westbound fleet ? Why did not Menendez supply it with 
a pilot? When and where did the urea arrive in Florida? After Mar- 
tinez and his companions landed, a storm blew up. When the storm 
abated, why did not the captain of the boat try to pick up his men? 
Was there a mutiny aboard the boat? These questions were indicated 
and partly solved recently by a student at Loyola University in her 
Master's dissertation on the travels and work of Father Juan Rogel. 
From this study, it is apparent that the expedition was very badly 
managed. The Flemish boat left the fleet at the Virgin Islands and 
made its way to Havana, where it was to pick up a navigator. Waiting 
for some days, it at length put out for San Agustin without pilot or 
charts. An unruly spirit manifested itself in the crew as the craft 
drifted off Florida, for the members selected to go ashore refused at 


first to do SO until Martinez led the way. The storm of hurricane pro- 
portions did not blow the boat south to Monte Cristi on northern 
Espafiola. Rather, the sailors forced the captain to depart the Florida 

In spite of what has already been written about the Jesuits in Flor- 
ida, the whole of their activity and especially their relations with 
Menendez must be done over in a very careful manner. The points 
brought into question above are only a few of the many problems 
pertaining to the missionary advance into Florida. 


The editor of the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 
Paul M. Angle, is to be congratulated upon the new format with 
which he begins the thirty-first volume of the publication, (March, 
1938). History will continue to be served by means of accurate and 
scholarly articles, but added to these will be feature sections, "one, a 
chronological summary of events in Illinois during the preceding year, 
will appear annually in the first number of the calendar year." The 
other, entitled "The Illinois Scrapbook," will be found in each issue. 
The purpose of the latter lies in its flavor and entertainment. The first 
number quite achieves its several purposes. The first article, "Hell and 
High Water," by Richard L. Beyer, is a record of the disastrous flood 
of 1937 as it affected southern Illinois. Nelson V. Russell, in the sec- 
ond article, goes back into the long past to describe "The French and 
British at Play in the Old Northwest, 1760-1796." The third writer is 
Harry Evjen, and his subject is the "Illinois State University, 1852- 


The Bruce Publishing Company of Milwaukee has brought out re- 
cently several books of more than passing note. A scholarly work, 
The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education, by Allan P. Farrell, S. J., will be 
reviewed in the next number of Mid-America. Two other books are 
translations. History of the Church, by Joseph Lortz, is translated 
from the German by Edwin G. Kaiser. Francisco Franco, by Joaquin 
Arraras, is translated by Dr. J. Manuel Espinosa. 

A General Index to the first twenty volumes of The Catholic His- 
torical Review has been compiled by Rev. Harold J. Bolton, S. T. D. 
It is published at the Catholic University of America, and may be 
obtained postpaid for two dollars. The compiler and the sponsors are 
to be congratulated upon the completion of this serviceable volume. 

The Catholic Historical Review opened its twenty-fourth volume 
in April, 1938, with "The 'More Perfect Union' : The Continental Con- 
gress Seeks a Formula," by Edmund C. Burnett. This timely and 
scholarly paper is followed by "The Children's Crusade," by Joseph 
E. Hansbery, and "French Diplomacy in Philadelphia, 1778-1779," by 


John J. Meng. Thereafter, in reviews, notes and comments, notices, 
and periodical literature bibliographies, will be found a well-rounded 
survey of publications and items of interest to Catholic teachers and 

After an unavoidable delay the Annals of the Franciscan Province 
of the Sacred Heart has resumed publication under the editorship of 
Reverend Marion Habig, O. F. M. 

Saint Albertus Magnus^ a translation of twelve essays on the life 
of St. Albert the Great, by Reverend H. Wilms, O. P., has recently 
been printed by the Saint Catherine's Press of Racine, Wisconsin. The 
booklet of sixty-two pages is well bound and illustrated and contains 
historical information along with devotional practices of the great 

The Historical Bulletin, May, 1938, continues its series of short 
biographies of the popes who were prominent at the turning points of 
history. "Saint Pius the Fifth," by Pedro Leturia, of the Gregorian 
University, discusses the only canonized pope of modern times, espe- 
cially in the relations between Rome and Constantinople and Geneva. 
John B, McGloin presents a brief treatment of Bishop Patrick Lynch 
of Charleston, South Carolina, in the special capacity of Commissioner 
to Rome of the Confederate States. Father Francis S. Betten clears up 
some misconceptions regarding "That Holy Roman Empire." 

The Florida Historical Quarterly carried an article on "The Land- 
ing of De Soto," by John R. Swanton, in its January, 1938, number, 
and published in translation a letter written by the conqueror from 
Florida in 1539. Other space was devoted to "The Arrival of De Soto's 
Expedition in Florida," by Mark F. Boyd. 

December, 1937, marked the passing of Mr. Wilberforce Eames, 
chief bibliographer of the New York Public Library, well known for 
his compilations and for his generous assistance to students of his- 

Professor William Kenneth Boyd, distinguished for his many 
works on history pertaining to the South, died in January of this year. 

Book Reviews 

The Older Middle West, 181^0-1880. By Henry Clyde Hubbart. New 
York, D. Appleton-Century Company, 1936. Pp. ix+305. $3.50. 

This volume differs from the various standard works on the West 
in general, and it also represents a study which is much more than 
a state history. The social, economic, political, and sectional develop- 
ments in the area north of the Ohio River, and east of the Missouri 
River, are studied with reference to the period shortly before, during, 
and not long after the Civil War. The development of political affairs 
is traced in detail, but economic and social changes are treated with 
thoroughness. Various prominent leaders, such as Lincoln, Douglas, 
and Vallandigham are appraised with reference to their attitudes to- 
ward the section treated. A distinction is made frequently between 
the lower Middle West, the area in the river valleys, and the upper 
Middle West, or Great Lakes area. The attitude of the lower Middle 
West toward the Civil War has been given particular attention. 

Certain attitudes of the pre-Civil War generation of the older Mid- 
dle West have received necessary and proper emphasis. Although the 
author estimates that not more than 350 slaves were actually held in 
the old Northwest by 1840, despite the Ordinance of 1787, and al- 
though slavery as an institution was not welcomed in the Northwest, 
there was nevertheless practically the same attitude toward the free 
Negro in the Northwest that there was in the Deep South (p. 45 ff . ) . 
Nowhere in the West could the Negro vote, with the possible exception 
of the Western Reserve in Ohio. Even in the newer states of Michigan 
and Wisconsin, which conceivably might have been more liberal than 
the older states in the matter of suffrage, the sentiment was definitely 
against such a thing as Negro suffrage. In the lower Middle West, 
there was no inclination to give to the free Negro the civil rights 
that white people received. In general, the Negro was barred from 
jury service, was not permitted to give evidence in court, to receive 
poor relief, nor to attend the public schools. Ohio had a "Black Code" 
until 1849, comparable in severity with legislation relative to Negroes 
so placed on the statute books in the South. 

The material on Stephen A. Douglas, (p. 117 ff.) is particularly 
good. Having traced, in a preceding section of the book, the disastrous 
effect of the Kansas-Nebraska Act upon the Democratic party in the 
Middle West, Professor Hubbart makes a careful analysis of Douglas. 
The appraisal, in general, is quite favorable to the latter. The author 
shows that Lincoln and Douglas were not far apart in the debates of 
1858. The fact that Lincoln had not adopted a particularly humani- 
tarian attitude toward the Negro is made clear by the remark made at 



Charleston: "I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about 
in any way the social and political equality of the white and black 
races; (applause) ... I am not nor ever have been, in favor of mak- 
ing voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, 
nor to intermarry with white people" (p. 127). The absurdity of think- 
ing of Lincoln as the Great Emancipator becomes evident to practi- 
cally anyone if such a statement, which is not unique in Lincoln's 
utterances, is kept in mind. 

The research on the attitude of the Middle West toward the Crit- 
tenden Compromise seems to indicate that the area concerned would 
have willingly accepted the terms of the Crittenden Compromise had 
they had an opportunity to vote upon it. That in turn, would have 
meant that the Civil War would have been averted for the time being. 
To maintain that the Civil War was inevitable is to adopt a position 
which is at once fatalistic, pessimistic, and unreasonable. As further 
evidence of the unwillingness of the Middle West that war should 
break out, we have the fact that supplies of all kinds went from the 
Middle West to the seceded states, up until, and, to some extent, even 
after the attack on Fort Sumter. The latter half of the volume 
brings out from unquestionable documentary sources, the apathy of 
much of the Middle West toward the Civil War; the dissatisfaction 
voiced with regard to Lincoln and his objectives; the election of 1862 
and the gains made by the Democrats; the draft riots; and the atti- 
tude of the press. 

The unanimity of opinion which some are inclined to think existed 
in the older Middle West while the war was going on simply had no 
basis in fact. An analysis is made of the election of 1864, with its im- 
pressive Republican victories, and the effect of the election upon that 
area, making it more a part of the East than had been the case up to 
that time, is discussed. The final chapter presents much material not 
generally known relative to the social life in the older Middle West. 

An annotated bibliography and a well prepared index increase the 
utility of a volume which is simply not one more book about the West. 
It is an historical contribution which forces a readjustment of opinion 
on the part of most open-minded readers. That is a definite endorse- 
ment of the merits of any book. 

Paul Kiniery 

Loyola University 

Educational Foundations of the Jesuits in Sixteenth-Century New 
Spain. By Jerome V. Jacobsen, S. J. Berkeley, California, Univer- 
sity of California Press, 1938. Pp. xii+292. $3. 

One must admit, in general, that there is a certain delicacy about 
the task of reviewing a book written by the editor of the periodical in 
which the review is to appear. But in the particular case of Father 


Jacobsen's study of the beginnings of Jesuit educational work in Mex- 
ico, the miserable reviewer finds the difficulty pretty well solved by 
two considerations: the excellence of the book to be reviewed, and 
Father Jacobsen's patient good-nature. 

This volume, as Dr. Bolton points out in an editorial preface, is 
the first of a series to be published on the work of the Jesuits in 
Spanish North America, between the years 1572 and 1767, With char- 
acteristic modesty. Dr. Bolton passes over his own large contributions 
to that history of the Jesuits, and fixes the attention of the reader on 
the present and future work of his students in this interesting field. 

The book is carefully limited in scope. It is concerned with the 
educational, not the missionary, work of the Jesuits in New Spain; 
and it confines its main discussion to the years between 1572 and 
1600, with only a bare outline of the long period following. It devel- 
ops in some detail the origins and early functioning of the Jesuit 
colleges in Mexico City, Puebla, Oaxaca, Patzcuaro, Valladolid (now 
Morelia), Guadalajara, and Tepotzotlan. Father Jacobsen has worked 
from sources, of which he gives a brief account in his nine pages of 
bibliography. He makes excellent use of sketch maps and plans of 

The sources he has used are difficult sources to work. They are 
chiefly the official "Annual Letters" and other official letters concern- 
ing the Jesuit colleges in Mexico, some of which have been published 
by the Jesuit historians, Perez de Ribas, Florencia, Alegre, Astrain, 
and Cuevas. These letters, to begin with, were written with a good 
deal of conscious and unconscious reserve. The human problems in- 
volved in the work of the Jesuits peep out, for the most part, only 
between the lines. The published form of these letters, again, is not 
always satisfactory: there are gaps and omissions, and occasional dis- 
tortions; some datings are contradictory of each other. 

As for the unpublished sources. Father Jacobsen had to go far 
afield to study them. They had suffered many vicissitudes in the three 
hundred and sixty-six years since the Jesuits first went into Mexico; 
they have been in part destroyed, in part widely scattered, due to the 
looting consequent on repeated governmental persecution of the Jes- 
uits; and even now they can be used only in niggardly fashion be- 
cause of the ridiculous hostility of the Mexican government toward 
the Jesuits. 

In spite of these handicaps in his materials, the author, keeping to 
the solid ground of facts, has gathered enough data to furnish a con- 
vincing account of the early Jesuit schools in Mexico. It is also an 
inspiring account, not the less so for the modesty and sense of humor 
with which he presents it. It shows a group of men, beginning with 
15 and increasing within twenty-eight years to a total of 272, ear- 
nestly and intelligently devoting themselves to an unselfish work of 


education in New Spain. There were a few cranks and megalomaniacs 
amongst them, as there always are in any considerable number of 
men; but the overwhelming majority were, as history proves the Jes- 
uits everywhere to have been, men of intelligence and virtue above the 
ordinary, trained in the patience and humility needed for team-work, 
modestly and sensibly adapting themselves to opportunities as they 
came, and keeping as clear before them as poor human nature in the 
lump can the supernatural purpose which gave the final meaning and 
objective to their work in education. 

The material structure of their work was impressive, in buildings, 
in school organization, in the number of their students. They held 
tenaciously to the principle of endowing their colleges, in order to 
avoid charging tuition. But the endowments were meagre, not merely 
by modern standards, but even for Jesuit schools. In fact, they were 
generally in poverty, with debts overbalancing their income. Any mo- 
mentary financial ease through some generous gift found them eager, 
not to enjoy the comfort it might bring, but to make use of it to 
expand their unremunerated service to more people. 

It is not easy to evaluate the intellectual achievements of those 
Jesuit schools. Nor does Father Jacobsen attempt anything more than 
a general description of the content and methed of the education 
they offered. But the whole impression made by the Jesuits' work as 
he sketches it is of something not merely civilizing, but essentially 
noble. To make such a portrayal convincing, Father Jacobsen wisely 
devotes the first thirty-five pages of his book to a summary account 
of the Institute and training of the Jesuits. That is an integral part 
of even this limited study of their work in the colleges of Mexico. It 
is their religious temper of dedication that explains what is really 
excellent in the Jesuits, as in all other religious orders. Without it, 
they could never have accomplished what they did accomplish; and 
without some understanding of that temper, the reader might well 
look upon the simple record of their v/ork partisan writing. 

The book is written in a pleasant, easy style. It is excellently 
printed, with but one defect: the annoying affectation of separating 
the notes from the text. It is a fine beginning of a series, to which one 
wishes well in wishing that the subsequent volumes may keep to the 
high standard set by this first volume. 

W. Kane, S. J. 
Loyola University 

The Republics of South America. A Report by a Study Group of Mem- 
bers of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. New York, 
Oxford University Press, 1937. Pp. x+374. $8.50. 

The purpose of this work was to give in a single volume the ele- 
ments of the present situation in the ten South American republics 


in the light of their past development. The book marks the awakening 
of a group of students in England to the significance of the southern 
Continent in world affairs. It was intended as a survey introduction 
to general readers in Great Britain, who, up to the time of its publi- 
cation, were deemed bereft of a handy single volume containing the 
essential facts of history, geography, culture, economics, society, re- 
ligion, and foreign relations of the countries down south. The result 
is that the public of Great Britain now has a clearly written, brief, 
general survey, and the Study Group has fulfilled its purpose. It is not 
inferred, nor may the reader assume that the people of England are 
unable to read English as it is written in the United States, where a 
number of single volume surveys covering the same ground have been 
written and are in common use as textbooks for college students. The 
study of Latin American peoples and affairs, which has made such 
progress here, has spread to England, and it will not be surprising 
to see soon in England organized societies founded with purposes sim- 
ilar to our Pan-American Union and Hispanic- American Society. 

The volume is based to a great extent upon the findings of Amer- 
ican scholars and frequently cites in footnotes the histories of W. S. 
Robertson, J. Fred Rippy, A. Curtis Wilgus, and others. Considerable 
space is devoted to the part played by the physical background in the 
human and economic evolution of the Continent, This is followed by 
a chapter on communications and what influence such have had upon 
social, civic, military, and economic affairs. The population is given 
consideration in some detail, and two opinions regarding the racial 
problem are recorded. Some think the whites will predominate, 
others the Indian masses. The latter nativists point to Mexico as an 
illustration of "a nation under Indian leadership finding solutions for 
social and political problems which are both more essentially Ameri- 
can and more suited to the real needs of the people than those dic- 
tated by crillo politicians." This is stated (p. 73), of course, without 
approval or disapproval by the authors, but, in view of the commu- 
nistic trend in Mexico and the recent severance of diplomatic relations 
by Mexico and Great Britain, the authors are probably blinking now 
at the statement. Moreover, any one or any group attempting to gen- 
eralize on politicians of either type, Indian or Creole, is merely chas- 
ing feathers in a wind. 

There is a good but short discussion of the origin of man in Amer- 
ica, followed by some ideas on the conquest and the conquering Span- 
iard. After remarking the individualism and lack of social instinct in 
Spain, it is inconsistent to describe a united Spanish realm; and it is 
incorrect. There appears no clear reason why the part played by the 
English in the slave trade and in piracy should not have been included 
in the information for English readers. The colonization was evidently 
too great a subject for any detailed treatment. More to the purpose 
of the book was the aftermath of the wars of emancipation from 


Spain, but the independence era and the nineteenth century history of 
the ten republics are described in a single chapter narrowing down to 
a few pages on each of the three more progressive countries, Argen- 
tina, Brazil, and Chile. The main features, nevertheless, are brought 
out and revolve around the struggle between liberals and conserva- 
tives. Definitions of these terms are sufficiently vague, probably be- 
cause the authors realize well how one might err in this regard, yet 
the implication is that the liberals were democrats and the conserva- 
tives were autocrats. Thus the fiction of democracy in Hispanic Amer- 
ica is perpetuated, just as is the fiction of constitutional government 
during the ages of turbulence. 

The last two hundred pages of the book give a good description 
of the countries and their dominating trends and personalities since 
about 1900. In the chapter on Religion and the Church the nineteenth 
century is considered and is based on the work of J. Lloyd Mecham 
and Mary Watters. The general conclusion is that a restoration of the 
"inward character of religion" is needed at present, without which 
the Church can make no "real contribution to thought and social ac- 
tion." This chapter might well be pondered by religious leaders, ex- 
cept for a few instances (p. 257-261) where some theorizing and "ism" 
discussion mar the story. 

In summary it may be said that the book, informative and useful 
though it is, will not be in great demand in the United States, be- 
cause of its price and because of the number of suitable books already 

J. V. Jacobsen 

Loyola University 

Magoon in Cuba. By David A. Lockmiller. Chapel Hill, University of 
North Carolina Press, 1938. Pp. xiv+252. $3. 

There is particular timeliness to this study of United States inter- 
vention in Cuba. The efforts of the Good Neighbor Policy have done 
much to convince the nations south of us that we believe in honesty 
and kindliness in our dealings with them, a conviction that is sorely 
needed. On the one hand, some publicists have impregnated their 
minds with the idea of the "Great Colossus of the North," the imperi- 
alistic and greedy Yankee whose Monroe Doctrine means nothing but 
a cover for our exploitation and control. On the other hand, not a few 
journalists in our country have abetted this conviction by methods 
based on little knowledge and much cynicism toward our government 
and finance. The future, not to say the present, demands that Ameri- 
can peoples assist one another in preserving their political philosophy 
of democracy as well as their freedom and peace. Concrete show of 
fairness and friendliness toward the Hispanic nations will go far to- 
ward this end. At the same time scholars must tell the truth about 


our past relations if we would avert the evils of prejudiced propa- 
ganda based on bad history. 

The careful writing of Lockmiller fits well into this pattern. His 
subject, Charles E. Magoon, directed the provisional government dur- 
ing the second intervention of Cuba from 1906 to 1909. Such interven- 
tions have not been uncommon, as the historian knows. What is not 
known is the character and results of these intrusions into the lives 
of our neighbors, particularly as predicted under the regime of The- 
odore Roosevelt, That distinguished President is best known by the 
laity from his metaphor, "The Big Stick." In reality the stick was an 
absolutely necessary medium of settling impossible situations in the 
Caribbean, and while it had not the immaculate cleanliness of the pro- 
verbial hound's tooth it does appear in the clear light of close study 
remarkably decent as well as productive of excellent results for the 
subject of the chastisement. 

Only a detailed picture like this one of Magoon will definitely 
clarify our dealings with the "Little Fellows" to the south of us. Well 
prepared by education and experience for the job, he was dispatched 
by Roosevelt and his war secretary, Taft, to right the ship of state 
for revolutionary Cuba. With a kind but persistent care he brought the 
Cubans back to normal political life, and handed over to them a 
smoothly functioning government under their honestly elected offi- 
cials. Meantime he initiated and completed salutary reforms that were 
needed if ever we should bring them to govern themselves peaceably. 
Their law code must be redrawn, their civil service organized and puri- 
fied, their educational system built up, their communication and trans- 
portation facilities made such that democracy could live. Finally, in 
sanitation, care for the underprivileged and criminal classes, municipal 
government, taxation methods, and further social institutions, he saw 
that essential changes were called for. 

His work on all these projects is portrayed with meticulous ac- 
curacy and a minimum of author interpretation. The reader will con- 
clude that the career of Magoon goes far toward righting the current 
opinion of our dealings with the people of the Caribbean, and for this 
he will thank the careful writing of Lockmiller, Such a book, of course, 
falls somewhat short of smoothness in the story; statistical study is 
scarcely the field for poetry. Yet there is a proper setting for the 
narrative, and a proper evaluation to conclude the volume. The index 
is serviceable and the bibliography sufficient. While he does not say 
it in as many words, the writer gives evidence in his notes of a fine 
respect for and reliance on the admirable work of Chapman's History 
of Cuba. The present study is a valuable complement to the latter 

W. Eugene Shiels 

Loyola University 


A LAfe of George Washington in Latin Prose. By Francis Glass, A. M., 
of Ohio. Edited by J. N. Reynolds. Third Edition, New York, 1836. 

One purpose of a review of a good book is to bring the book to the 
attention of readers so that having some idea of the contents they 
may be induced to read the book reviewed. There may also be another 
purpose in reviewing a book. If the book be long out of print the dis- 
coverer of it may see much in it that is of interest today. Much, per- 
haps, that will make us appreciate more highly the men and scholar- 
ship of an earlier day in the Republic, so that an expression of its 
value may suggest to an enterprising publisher a probable profit in 
another printing of the work. Your reviewer, therefore, has some pur- 
pose in being a hundred years behind the times. 

This Latin life of Washington was written by an American, a gen- 
uine scholar of the type of Bentley, Porson, Hermann, and Boech. In 
addition to the fine scholarship of those modern interpreters of the 
literature of Rome and Greece, he had the complete command of the 
classical languages characteristic of the immortal humanists of the 
Renaissance. Unlike those scholars who met and were encouraged by 
their equals in the halls of the palaces of the Medici and Popes, or in 
the universities of England and Germany, Francis Glass studied and 
dreamed and taught in a log cabin in the forests of Warren County, 
Ohio, more than a hundred years ago. The school house, said a pupil 
of the solitary scholar, was a "low log-cabin, with a clapboard roof, 
but indifferent tight — all the light of heaven found in this cabin, came 
through the apertures made on each side in the logs, and these were 
covered with oiled paper to keep out the cold air, while they admitted 
the dim rays. ... In the center was a large stove, between which and 
the back part of the building, stood a small desk, without lock or key, 
made of rough plank, over which a plane had never passed; and, be- 
hind the desk, sat Professor Glass when I entered his school." The 
student saw the forest, the log cabin, the unplaned desk, but this is 
what Francis Glass saw: "The temple of the Delphian God," he said, 
"was originally a laurel hut, and the Muses deign to dwell accordingly 
in my rustic abode. 'Non humilem domum fastidiunt, umbrosamve ri- 
pam.' Here, too, the winds hold converse, 'Eurus, and Taurus, and Ar- 
gestes loud,' and the goddesses of the Castalian fountain, the daugh- 
ters of the golden haired Mnemosyne, are sometimes silent with the 
lyre, 'cithara tacentes,' that they may catch the sweet murmurs of the 
harp of Aeolus." It was there, he said, far away from Plutus, whom 
the prince of comic poets styled a "filthy, crooked, miserable, wrinkled, 
bald, and toothless creature," that he taught the young of either sex, 
strains before unheard. 

All that is known of the life of Francis Glass is contained within 
the pages of his "Life of Washington" and the few notes of a pupil. 
His cabin school was about thirty miles from Cincinnati. In 1828, and 


for several years after, Mrs. Frances Trollope, mother of the more 
famous novelist, Anthony, was in Cincinnati. She was very active, 
observant, brilliant, and just a little spiteful in her comments on the 
city and people of this metropolis of mid-America. Her book on the 
"Domestic Manners of the Americans" caused as much and as bitter 
criticism as the later unfavorable description of American manners 
by Charles Dickens. "Though I do not quite sympathize with those 
who consider Cincinnati," she says, "as one of the wonders of the 
earth, I certainly think it a city of extraordinary size and importance, 
when it is remembered that thirty years ago the aboriginal forest 
occupied the ground where it stands; and every month appears to ex- 
tend its limits and its wealth." In the city were several small churches 
and chapels and many schools. Mrs. Trollope visited one school "kept 
by Dr. Locke, a gentleman who appears to have liberal and enlarged 
opinions on the subject of female education." There must have been 
an advanced classical scholarship, for students who had completed an 
elementary course in Latin or Greek were advised to become pupils 
of the recluse in the forest. Professor Glass. 

Where Glass was born is not known. He was educated in Philadel- 
phia, and spent the earlier part of his life in that city and vicinity, 
in literary pursuits. It is probable that he assisted Professor Ross in 
the compilation of his once well-known Latin Grammar. He contracted 
an unfortunate marriage and in 1817 began his wanderings in the 
West. He taught in various places and finally settled in Warren Coun- 
ty, Ohio, where he became favorably known to the educators of Cin- 
cinnati. Later he moved, with his family to Dayton where he probably 
died shortly after completing his Latin Life of Washington. 

Little need be said of the Life as a biography. Glass had few books 
of reference and no source material. He said the greater part of the 
work was written from memory. It is saturated with love of country 
and love of the great man all Americans revere. It is not written with 
the flamboyant zeal of Weems, and certainly has nothing in common 
with the pseudo-historical method of writing biographies character- 
istic of recent "Lives," but it is an excellent summary of the life of 
Washington. And there is hovering over the whole book, like a watch- 
ful, loving spirit, the genius of a solitary scholar never less alone than 
when meditating by himself in the forests of Ohio. 

The style of the Latin is not brilliant, nor is it dull. It possesses 
this characteristic of the great Renaissance writers that it appears to 
be the native language of the writer. He does not think first in Eng- 
lish and then translate his thoughts into Latin. In describing the men 
of the revolution, he uses the ancient language as if it were the lan- 
guage of the heroes of his story, and the events of which they were 
the greater part are discussed by them in the language of Rome as 
naturally as they might have discussed them in the language of New 


In general the style resembles that of Livy with reminiscences of 
Sallust and Caesar. Occasionally words of doubtful origin are to be 
found, and expressions now and then that might, perhaps, make Quin- 
tillian gasp, but probably Quintillian himself would have approved the 
expressions when he found they really meant that Latin was a living 
language in the mind of a writer who was using the old language to 
describe new concepts. And so we may, not pardon, but accept: "Dux 
Knox" and "Congressus Americanus," and a few more that any purist, 
after due consideration, might accept. 

Like every true scholar who wishes to see what he has laboriously 
done become a part of actual life, Glass hoped that his Life of Wash- 
ington might be introduced into schools. The book is well adapted for 
that purpose. It is clearly written, grammatically sound, interesting, 
and in most appropriate language the story of a great man and a 
great life. 

Eneas B. Goodwin 

Loyola University 

The Daughters of St. Dominic on Long Island. By Reverend Eugene 
J. Crawford, M. A. New York, Benziger Brothers, 1938. Pp. xxiii + 
389. $3.50. 

Every bishop is literally an overseer. The Bishop of Brooklyn, Most 
Reverend Thomas F. Malloy, has looked over Father Crawford's pub- 
lication not merely in his official capacity but in that also of a literary 
and historical critic; he writes the Foreword, in which he views the 
work from a score of aspects and in all of them finds it highly praise- 
worthy. Should any reader suspect that his Excellency's enthusiasm 
is the mere outpouring of a personal friendship's tribute, a careful 
examination of the book may convince him that the praises were well 

The volume presents us with another "Story of Courage," of that 
unheralded courage which ceaselessly carries on behind all convent 
walls in America, building up the Church of Christ in beauty and in 
strength throughout the land. But here we have a new species of hero- 
ism, and thus Father Crawford's account necessarily departs widely 
from the usual recital of the genesis of so many other communities, 
and carries consequently a rare interest. 

The bewilderment of four German Dominican nuns, just arrived in 
1853 from Ratisbon, and waiting in vain at the dock in New York 
for some friend is not the unusual part of the story, however pa- 
thetic, for such things occur even now. Possibly not Abbot Wimmer 
so much as their own lack of foresight was chiefly to blame for this 
their first, brief trial of courage. The new thing, which Father Craw- 
ford tells, with fine candor, is how not only this once, but through 
long years, these brave women kept their hearts up, enduring what 


they did not have at their entrance into America, namely, a super- 
abundance of guides. They were bound to obey their rule ; they had to 
heed the counsels of their spiritual directors as well as those of their 
superiors in America and in distant Ratisbon; they had to obey the 
ordinances of bishops both in their new home and abroad, even 
though these seemed to be ever and again at cross purposes. How 
there was no general fatality to their enterprises, how the Daughters 
advanced spiritually in spite of the entanglements, and how they es- 
tablished their foundations for the social, religious, educational, and 
physical betterment of Americans, is the great theme of the book. 
The number of the original four was augmented after 1853 until to- 
day it is more than four thousand. Their hospital and school systems 
beyond the Atlantic seaboard, into the valleys of the West and on to 
the Pacific Coast. This chapter of history, illustrative of struggle and 
progress, was needed. 

Laurence J. Kenny 
St. Louis University 

St. Thomas and the Gentiles. By Mortimer J. Adler. Milwaukee, Mar- 
quette University Press, 1938. Pp. ii + 111. $1. 

This is the Aquinas Lecture for 1938, delivered by Dr. Adler under 
the auspices of the Aristotelian Society of Marquette University. In 
book form, the lecture has been supplemented by a body of notes 
larger than the lecture itself. 

Dr. Adler analyzes the problem of getting a hearing for philo- 
sophic truth, by comparing the factors in that problem as they existed 
when St. Thomas wrote the Summa Contra Gentiles and as they exist 
today. The bridge between the Gentiles of the thirteenth century and 
the twentieth century Gentiles is the whole history of thought during 
the elapsed seven centuries. To know that strange transition, through 
the decadence of scholasticism, the naturalism of the renaissance, to 
modern scientism and positivism, is to hold the key to the modern 
history of philosophy. 

But although the historical analysis is brilliantly done, it is kept 
subservient to the practical question: how would the mind of St. 
Thomas face the task of teaching our twentieth century Gentiles, who 
differ from his Moors, Jews, and heretics, in that they deny that 
"there is any such thing as true philosophical knowledge . . ."? Our 
own hope in meeting that problem must be, not in Thomism or any 
other kind of "ism," but in a return to the balanced methods of St. 

As Dr. Adler points out, it is because those methods have not been 
kept in the full poise of living methods that philosophy has lost so 
much of its power and prestige. Those who have inherited the truths 
which St. Thomas taught have often served those truths badly by 


trying to systematize them excessively. Those who abandoned philo- 
sophical truths, and latterly even despaired of the existence of such 
truths, lacked the intellectual modesty in the presence of inevitable 
antinomies which was part of St. Thomas' sainthood. All this has been 
said before, but seldom has it been said so pointedly and so well. 

Indeed, this shrewd little treatise of Dr. Adler's is the finest sort 
of glorification of St. Thomas, as contrasted with any gloating Thom- 
ism; because it is a very successful attempt to exemplify in itself the 
spirit of St. Thomas, by its own direct and humble approach to the 
unsolved problem of disseminating truth, by the honesty and clarity 
with which it enters into the views of adversaries, by that recognition 
of our human limitations which, combined with courage and hope, 
makes up the true humor of the philosopher. Dr. Adler believes that 
the walls of positivist prejudice and misconception can be breached; 
and he believes that in spite of a very considerable experience of how 
high and how thick those walls are. His courage springs from a great 
charity, as well as from a great modesty. 

These qualities, added to his high intelligence, ennoble Dr. Adler's 
work, and make his book a moving, an eloquent, book: not with the 
eloquence of rhetoric, although it is beautifully written; but with 
something of that serene splendor, the fire of starlight, that glows in 
the Sunima itself. In an optimistic mood, the present reviewer might 
persuade himself that a revolution in the teaching and writing of 
philosophy would date from the publication of St. Thomas and the 
Gentiles. He is too much afraid of the cheerful smugness of many 
Catholic philosophers to venture upon any such rash prophecy. But 
he does contend that Dr. Adler pretty thoroughly proves that such a 
revolution should be on its way, right now. 

W. Kane, S. J. 

Loyola University 


Ursula Schaefer, M.A., is doing her graduate work at the 
University of California, Berkeley. 

William B. Faherty, S. J., M.A.,isa gradv/ite student at St. 
Louis University. 

Sister Ursula Thomas, Order of St. Benedict, has recently 
completed her doctoral work at St. Louis University. 
























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An Historical Review 

OCTOBER, 1938 




Theodore E. Treutlein 229 


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FoiK (Ed.), Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519-1936, Volume III; 
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WiLLLiAMS, Dom Pedro the Magnanimous; Delanglez, The Journal of 
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Published quarterly by Loyola University (The Institute of Jesuit History) 
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An Historical Review 

OCTOBER, 1938 


Father Pfefferkorn and His 
Description of Sonora"^ 

From the pen of an eighteenth century German Jesuit has 
come what is probably the best geographical, historical, and 
ethnographical description of Sonora, Mexico, written in any 
language. The author of this remarkable work is Father Ignaz 
Pfefferkorn, missionary to the land which he has so painstak- 
ingly described. He came to Sonora as a young man and spent 
eleven very active years among the Pima, Opata, and Eudebe 
Indians before the expulsion of the Society forced his departure 
from the field of his labors. Subsequent to the expulsion Pfeffer- 
korn and a number of his companions were held captive in Spain 
under suspicion of treason. Eight years of enforced sojourn in 
Spain were finally terminated for Pfefferkorn by the friendly 
help of a German elector who interceded with the Spanish crown 
on the ex-missionary's behalf. 

During his eleven years in Sonora, Pfefferkorn had been able, 
despite the demands of his missionary labors, to do extensive 
"field work" in large areas of Pima land. Also he had compared 
notes with his brother Black Robes, and had plied his Indians 
and the Spanish and mestizo vaqueros with questions about 
plants, minerals, and animals of Sonora. The many notes col- 
lected during these years of missionary work in Sonora were 
not all left to him, for unfortunately the confiscation of Jesuit 
papers during the expulsion took its toll. But during his eight 
years' captivity in Spain and afterward for a number of years 
in Germany, Pfefferkorn worked with the notes which he had 
been able to salvage and with a large number of secondary 

* Ignaz Pfefferkorn, S. J., Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora samt 
andern merhwurdigen Nachrichten von den inneren Theilen Neu-Spaniens 
und Reise aus Amerika bis in Deutschland (Koln am Rheine, 1794-95). 
2 vols. The present article is in substance the translator's introduction to 
a recently completed translation of this fascinating work. 



sources. Finally, struggling against sickness and growing age 
he produced in 1794-95 tv/o volumes of a proposed three volume 

The following pages tell something about Pfefferkorn, about 
his missionary labors, about how he came to write his Descrip- 
tion of the Province of Sonora, and finally something of the 
nature of the work itself. 

Father Ignaz Pfefferkorn, S. J., was born in Mannheim near 
Bergheim, in the Archbishopric of Cologne, on July 31, 1725.^ 
It is known from an incident which occurred later in his life that 
Pfefferkorn had a sister, and that he was her "only living 
brother." - Otherwise there is no information at hand about his 
family, about his youth ,or about the circumstances of his 
admission to the Society of Jesus on October 21, 1742, when he 
was seventeen years of age.^ 

From the date of his admission to the Society until he became 
a missionary and departed for New Spain Pfefferkorn's life 
must have been like that of many another Jesuit of his day — 
a way of life which unquestionably imparted to him and to his 
brothers of the Society the mental, moral, and physical disci- 
pline, the knowledge, and the spiritual strength which they 
needed to cope successfully with the rigors of an apostolic life 
in the wilderness. Perhaps Pfefferkorn, like other Jesuits, wrote 
letters to his superiors requesting that he be sent to the mis- 
sions, and like them he may have rejoiced one day at the arrival 
of a reply from the Father General giving him permission to go 
to the Indies.* 

However this may be, on a particular day in 1754 Pfeffer- 
korn, now a priest, was in Siegburg meeting a Father Midden- 

1 Carlos Sommervogel, S. J., Bibliotheque de la compagnie de Jesus 
(Bruxelles, 1900), IX, 768; Bemhard Duhr, S. J., Deutsche Atislandsehn- 
sucht im achzehnten Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1928), 55; Robert Streit, 
O. F. M., Bibliotheca missionum (Aachen, 1927), III, 341; Anton Huonder, 
S. J., Deutsche Jesuitenmissiondre des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderte (Freiburg i. 
Breisgau, 1899), 114. Streit and Huonder give Mannheim as Pfefferkorn's 

2 Duhr, 54-55; J. B. Mundwiler, S. J., "Deutsche Jesuiten in spanischen 
Gefangnissen im 18. Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift filr katholische 'Theologie, 
XXVI, Part 4 (Innsbruck, 1902), 668. See below, footnote 35, for remarks 
about Mundwiler's monograph. 

3 Cf. Sommervogel, Streit, Huonder, loc. cit.; Duhr, 55. 

4 Cf . Duhr. The first half of this work is devoted to the desires of 
German Jesuits to leave Europe for work in the overseas missions. See 
also Theodore Edward Treutlein, Jesuit Travel to America, 1678-1756, as Re- 
corded in the Travel Diaries of German Jesuits (unpublished Ph. D. thesis, 
University of California, 1934), Chap. II, 17-26, "The Desire to Become a 


dorf who had arrived there from Cologne. Together the two 
priests journeyed to Wiirzburg where they joined company with 
two other members of the Society, Fathers Gerstner and Och.^ 
Pfefferkorn, at that time not quite tv/enty-nine years of age, was 
the youngest member of the group. Joseph Och was almost 
thirty; Bernhard Middendorf and Michael Gerstner were both 

This quartette of young Jesuits was undoubtedly a joyous 
band for they were going far to the west, across the "world 
ocean," '^ to New Spain to preach Christianity to the American 
natives. Och begins his diary with the words : "One of the most 
pleasant days of my life was that of May 9, 1754, when after 
many entreaties I finally received permission from our Father 
General, Ignatius Visconti, to journey to the Indian missions."® 

The missionary adventure, recorded by Och and Middendorf 
in fine diaries,^ began on July 9, 1754,^" when the four Jesuits 
left Wiirzburg for Augsburg on their way to Italy. Middendorf, 
custodian of their travel money, paid the vetturino seventy-six 
ducats for the coach ride to Genoa, where they arrived on Au- 
gust 3. At Genoa they were soon joined by eight more Jesuits, 
all Germans, who had come from Prague and Vienna. Germans 
were very unpopular in Genoa in 1754, so the Jesuits let it be 
known that they were Poles. ^^ 

Three months after their arrival in Genoa the travelers 

5 This information is derived from the diaries of Fathers Och, p. 3, and 
Middendorf, p. 743. See footnote 9, below. 

6 Ages for Pfefferkorn, Och, and Middendorf are calculated from dates 
given in Huonder. The date of Gerstner's birth is to be found in the catalog 
dated February 26, 1760, in MS VX-4-157 (ISltl-llGl. Catalogo de los nom- 
bres, patrias, edades, entradas y professiones de los sugetos de la Compania 
de Jesus de Nueva Espana.) Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico. Gerstner and 
Och were natives of W^iirzburg; Middendorf 's birthplace was Vechta, in 
Oldenburg. Huonder, op. cit. Cf. Streit, 178, where Middendorf's place of 
birth is given as Riesenbeck, Westphalia. 

7 Expression used by Och in his diary, p. 14. 
sjbid., p. 3. 

9 "Herrn P. Joseph Och, Glaubenspredigers der Gesellschaft Jesu in der 
Provinz Sonora in Neu-Navarra, im Gouvernement Neu-Mexico. Nachrich- 
ten, von seinen Reisen nach dem spanischen Nord-Amerika dessen dortigen 
Aufenthalte, vom Jahr 1757 bis 1767, und RUckkehr nach Europa," m Chris- 
toph Gottlieb von Murr, ed., Nachrichten von verschiedenen Ldndern des 
spanischen Amerika (Halle, 1809), 1-292, hereinafter cited Och, Nachrich- 
ten; "Aus dem Tagebuche des mexikanischen Missionarius Gottfr. Bernh. 
Middendorff aus der Gesellschaft Jesu, geb. zu Vechte im stifte Miinster. 
A. 1754-1776 n. Ch.," Parts I, H, and HI, Katholischen Magasin fiir Wis- 
senschaft und Leben (Miinster, 1845), hereinafter cited Middendorf, Tage- 

10 Och, Nachrichten, 3, and Duhr, 56-7. 

11 Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part I, 743. 


boarded an English ship which brought them on December 24 to 
Puerto de Santa Maria in Spain. There they lived in the great 
Jesuit mission-hospice^^ until a day before their departure for 
New Spain a year later, for although they had received their 
designation for Mexico from the Father General on Easter Day, 
1755, various circumstances prevented their departure for the 
New World until two days before Christmas of the same year. 
Their number had now been increased to forty-two. Of this 
group at least two others besides Pfefferkom, Och, and Mid- 
dendorf were to leave conspicuous names in Jesuit missionary 
history.^^ One among them, the youthful Wenceslaus Linck, a 
nineteen year old member from the Bohemian Province, became 
famous as an explorer in Lower California and in the Rio Colo- 
rado region." The other, Matthias Steffi, aged twenty-one, from 
the same province, worked among the Tarahumaras and later 
wrote a lexicon of the Tarahumara language, as well as a de- 
scription of the habits and customs of these Indians.^^ 

The voyage to America lasted nearly four months, the date 
of arrival at Vera Cruz being March 19, 1756. Nine days after 
disembarking at Vera Cruz the travelers left for Mexico City 
where most of the party arrived in the middle of April after a 
leisurely journey.^*^ But Fathers Pfefferkorn, Gerstner, and Och 
were not with this party arriving at Mexico City, for they had 
been ordered to remain in Puebla de los Angeles. Since the 
Bishop of Cuba had asked that German Jesuits be sent to his 
island, these three remained in Puebla for three months await- 
ing decision as to whether they should return to Vera Cruz and 
sail for Puerto Principe on the Island of Cuba or continue on to 
Mexico. The latter course was, however, decreed. Word had 
reached Mexico City from the Governor of Sonora, Don Juan de 
Mendoza, that the Indians desired the establishment of five new 
missions, and the three Germans, along with two other mission- 
aries who had gone on ahead, were designated to undertake the 
task of establishing new missions in Sonora." 

12 Treutlein, op. cit., Chap. IV, 47-51, "The Arrival in Spain." 

13 The names of only a few of the forty-two missionaries included in 
this party are at hand. 

14 Huonder, 112. 

15 Ibid., 115. See also below, note 22. His name is also spelled Steffel. 

16 Och, op. cit., p. 5ff.; Theodore E. Treutlein, "Jesuit Travel to New 
Spain, 1678-1756,' Mid- America, XIX (April, 1937), 104-123. 

17 Och, Nachrichten, 49-51. Father Middendorf was one of the two who 
had already set out for Sonora, May 11, 1756. Middendorf, Tagebuch, 
Part II, 778. 


On July 14, 1756, a company of six men, each riding a mule 
and each with a pack mule in tow, might have been seen leaving 
Mexico City. Three of the riders were Jesuits. Each of the mis- 
sionaries v/ore a large, broad-brimmed felt slouch hat and under 
it for further protection a linen cloth, like a veil. They were 
dressed in black leathern jackets, sleeveless but for "wings" at 
the shoulders. The three other riders were muleteers who went 
with the fathers as guides and servants. Baggage included mat- 
tresses, utensils for cooking, various foodstuffs and even fire 
wood, which was carried on the back of a small burro. Though 
their itinerary included villages where stops were made, they 
generally slept under a large tent in the open field. "We con- 
stituted a complete gypsy caravan," says Och. 

They advanced north through Queretero, San Luis de la Paz, 
and San Luis Potosi, to Zacatecas, where they halted to visit a 
Jesuit College. From there they rode to Durango,^^ where rains 
delayed them for eight days until they were able to continue 
their journey along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occi- 
dental to Parral. Och speaks of ParraP^ with especial interest 
because he noticed that here, as had not been the case so far, 
Spaniards were permitted to make wine. This was because Parral 
wine could not compete in sale with Spanish wines at Mexico 
City, a result of the difficulties of transportation between Parral 
and the Mexican capital. At this point the twelve animals had 
to be re-shod, for the roads had been extremely rough.-'^ 

Near Parral the Indians displayed their affection for the 
Jesuits by hiding the Fathers' mules, in an attempt, writes Och, 
to force the missionaries to remain with them. Jesuit priests 
had formerly carried on missionary work in this region but 
recently had been replaced by secular clergy, whom the Indians 
apparently did not like as well as the Black Robes. But the 
Jesuits had to continue their journey, and when the well-meaning 
natives saw the determined priests push off on foot, the mules, 
saddled and ready for the march, were speedily produced.^^ 

The travelers were headed for the western slopes of the 
Sierra Madre Occidental and had reached the southern borders 
of Tarahumara. Here was the home of the Indians whose fleet- 

is Och says that they reached Durango before going to Zacatecas, an 

19 Literally vineyard. 

20 Och, Nachrichten, 65-74, describes the journey from Mexico City 
to Sonora. 

21 Ibid., 71. 


footedness gave the country its name and whose feet were so 
hardened by going barefoot in the rough hills and mountains 
that they bore "transparent" callouses a "finger thick, like 

Father Och m-entions a rest at San Borgia, a Jesuit mission, 
after which several days of rough traveling over the Sierra 
Madre brought them to Matape, in southern Sonora where there 
was a Jesuit college. From Matape a letter was dispatched to the 
Father Visitor, sixty hours' journey distant, to inform him of 
their arrival in Sonora and to inquire as to their future stations. 
Then they continued to Ures where a Swiss Jesuit, Father Philip 
Segesser, instigated a rather harrowing joke to celebrate their 
arrival. Near Segesser's mission they were suddenly surrounded 
by a yelling, whooping band of Indians, some mounted, some 
on foot, all brandishing bows and arrows. The mules broke for 
cover; the fathers were unsaddled. "We saw at once that they 
were not enemies," writes Och, "but we were frightened never- 
theless. . . ." Order was soon restored and the Jesuits went the 
rest of the way to Ures, escorted by shouting natives. 

At Ures they remained for three weeks awaiting the letter 
of instruction from the Father Visitor, and when it arrived they 
learned that they were to travel still farther north, to the mis- 
sion of the Rector, Father Kaspar Stiger, a Swiss, who would 
give them further orders. A three days' journey through Opo- 
depe, Cucurpe, and Nacameri brought them to mission San Ig- 
nacio where they were made welcome by the sixty-one year old 

At San Ignacio the three travelers who had come so many 
miles together, separated. Och remained with the "old and fee- 
ble" Father Stiger at San Ignacio.^^ Gerstner rode west and north 
to Saric.^* Here we leave Fathers Och and Gerstner and follow 

22 Ibid., 72. See P. Matthaus Steffel, "Tarahumarisches Worterbuch, 
nebst einigen Nachrichten von den Sitten und Gebrauchen der Tarahumaren, 
in Neu-Biscaya, in der Audiencia Guadalajara im Vice-Konigreiche Alt- 
Mexico, Oder Neu-Spanien," in Murr, 293-374. Steffel explains, p. 342, that 
the name 'Talahumali ( Tarahumara ) , derived from the words tald (foot) 
and hiimd (to run), means runner (Fusslaufer). 

23 Och, Nachrichten, 74, says that he remained at San Ignacio until 
1766, and then journeyed to Mexico City where he was confined to his bed 
with arthritis. Pfefferkorn, II, 333, states that Och went to Santa Maria 
de Bazeraca, though he gives no dates. 

2i Huonder states that Gerstner spent most of his time at Saric; Pfef- 
ferkorn, loc. cit., states merely that Gerstner took over the mission of 
Saric. From what is known about the field of Middendorf's missionary 
labors it is probable that Gerstner did not go at once to Saric, for Midden- 
dorf was probably at that mission when Gerstner arrived in Sonora. Mid- 


Father Pfefferkorn to his missionary labors in Sonora until a 
common fate again overtakes the three, along with all other 
Jesuits, at the time of the decree of their expulsion from Spain 
and Spain's colonies in 1767. 

We learn from Father Pfefferkorn's own words what his work 
was during his eleven years in Sonora.-^ 

I was to attempt the rebuilding of mission Sonoitac but when I ar- 
rived in Sonora it was already too late for this. The Papagos as new- 
comers were but meagerly grounded in Christianity and had little 
inclination for its tenets. Their life, unbridled from youth, was much 
more to their liking than that taught by Gospel, and since they had 
already been five years without a spiritual guide and without instruc- 
tion they had again taken up their former animal-like existence. ^^ They 
had torn down the church and the priest's dwelling, and had conceived 
such an aversion for Christianity that on no account did they wish 
ever again to tolerate a missionary among them. Since the situation 
was such a difficult one everybody considered it expedient to await an- 
other time when it should please Providence to reveal ways and means 
through which the conversion of these peoples could be undertaken 
anew, with greater success. 

Next I was charged with establishing the new mission at Ati-" in 
the region of the Pimas who had revolted five years previously but 
were now peaceful once more. At the same time I was to administer 
spiritual aid to the Spanish garrison of Altar and to Spanish families 
living in that region. In the year 1756 I went to the place of my mis- 
sion where I found still standing the church and the little house which 
were built by Father Kino for his future missionaries, and which had 
been left undamaged in the last revolt of the Pimas. 

Since the missionary of Sonoitac was murdered during this revolt 
the king of Spain had ordered that in the future no priest should go to 
a new mission without the protection of soldiers."-^^ So, in compliance 

dendorf had arrived in Sonora earlier than his three companions and had 
gone first to Tucson as field chaplain with a troop of Spanish soldiers. 
Then Indian disturbances forced him to flee south to San Xavier del Bac. 
From there he was sent to S4ric where he remained for fourteen months 
until a fever so reduced him that to aid his recovery he was sent south to 
Batuco, which is more than one hundred hours south of Saric. In 1766, or 
thereabouts, Middendorf went still farther south to Movas, where he 
remained until the expulsion. See Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part II, 797-98. 

25 Pfefferkorn, 333-340. 

26 They had been "five years without a spiritual guide" because of the 
Pima uprising which began in the Altar valley in November, 1751. For an 
authoritative account of the Pima trouble see Charles Russell Ewing, The 
Pima uprising, 1751-1752: a study in Spain's Indian policy (unpublished 
Ph.D. thesis, University of California, 1934). 

27 Pima Indian word meaning brook. 

28 The former missionary of Sonoitac was Father Heinrich Ruhen, a 
German Jesuit from the Lower Rhine Province, who was murdered in 1751 
after having been at Sonoitac for less than a year. Pfefferkorn, 329-332. 


with this order, I arrived at Ati with four soldiers and a non-commis- 
sioned officer and found, to my astonishment, that the village was com- 
pletely deserted, for all the Indians at first sight of us had taken to 
their heels. Their reason for doing this was fear of, or what is more 
likely, aversion to the Spaniards, whose presence they positively do 
not wish to tolerate. 

For many days no soul came to me ; only in the dark of night some 
Indians prowled into my house, to the very door of my room. One after 
the other lurked there, just like timid children who wish to see some- 
one but who do not wish to be seen. They kept their bodies out of 
sight back of the door and stuck just their heads out, as far as their 
noses, scrutinizing me from head to foot. However, if I as much as 
directed a glance at the door they hurriedly took flight. This farce 
continued every evening for four weeks. 

Meanwhile, I frequently sent out my interpreter, a trustworthy 
Indian who was a pious Christian, to invite the fugitives to me with 
promises that I would treat them with paternal kindliness and over- 
whelm them with gifts. My messenger returned each time without 
having accomplished anything. Finally they told him plainly that they 
would not come to me until I had sent away the schondari ootam (the 
soldiers, their enemies). To all appearances this was dangerous, but I 
considered that without complying I could not hope to be of service to 
these people, and also that in case of violence a mere handful of 
soldiers would not be able to defend me anyway. So I dismissed my 
escort and remained alone. 

As I sat at my mid-day meal thirty or forty robust and very stern- 
looking Indians approached and formed a circle about me. I believed 
that the last moment of my life was at hand but took heart and 
ordered the interpreter to ask them what they wanted. Immediately 
an old Indian stepped out of the circle, bowed politely, and said: "See, 
Father! Now we come to you because you have driven away our ene- 
mies; now we wish to remain with you, to protect you, and to do 
everything that you wish." Greatly encouraged I shook hands with 
each of them, gave them gifts, and dismissed them well satisfied. On 
the very same day the others also returned quite calmly and peace- 
fully, and then I became hopeful for the happy progress of my mission. 

Among the Pimas, who constituted the largest group in my mis- 
sion, lived some Papagos who had previously been baptized and who 
had taken no part in the wicked designs of their countrymen. For this 
reason they preferred to remain among the Christian Pimas rather 
than among their own people. This made me happy and I hoped grad- 
ually to increase my flock through the example and co-operation of 
these good Indians. I was not disappointed in my hope. For throughout 
my residence here considerable numbers of Papagos came to the mis- 
sion at frequent intervals seeking food from the Pimas, when they 
were short of it in their dry and sandy country. The kindly reception 


and benevolent treatment accorded these poor people, the gifts which 
I gave to them, and the persuasion of their own countrymen who 
praised their happy life in the mission, had such an effect that each 
time some of them remained and submitted to Christianity. In this way 
the number of believers grew slowly. The circumstances did not per- 
mit more rapid progress at the time. 

I had spent nearly seven years in this mission among the Pimas 
when a fever of long duration and my daily failing strength made it 
necessary for me to abandon Ati and to seek recovery of my health 
in another region where there was purer air and more healthful water. 
Such conditions obtained on the other side of the mountain where lived 
the Eudebes, in whose country there was now vacant the mission of 
Cucurpe.29 This mission I took over upon the order of my superiors 
and I administered it with great contentment for four years, until 
1767, at which time we were separated most painfully from our dear 
little sheep, by a fate which is well known." 

The "fate" to which Father Pfefferkorn refers was, of course, 
the general expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain and from Spain's 
several overseas dominions. The Jesuits in the Sonora-Sinaloa 
mission frontier received a circular letter from Father Johann 
Nentwig, the Father Visitor who was acting provincial for the 
missions, calling them to Matape on the pretext that they were 
needed to pass judgment on an important matter. Thus were 
assembled with ease and expediency Pfefferkorn and his brother 
Jesuits.^° This group numbered fifty-one in all; thirty-one from 
the Sonora missions and twenty from those of Sinaloa.^^ Crowded 
into the church at Matape, with armed guards standing at doors 
and windows, they heard pronounced the royal decree which 
banished them forever from the dominions of Spain and from 
Spain itself.^^ 

On August 25, under military guard, the Sonora-Sinaloa mis- 
sionaries, Fathers Pfefferkorn, Middendorf, and Gerstner among 
them, set out for Guaymas, on the coast. There they remained, 
miserably housed, until May 20, 1768 when began their long. 

2^ Cucurpe is an Eudebe[?] Indian word meaning "wood-dove," and 
is of undoubted onomatopoeic origin. 

30 Middendorf , Tagebuch, Part III, 25. For an excellent account of the 
expulsion of the Jesuits from New Spain see Peter M. Dunne, S. J., "The 
expulsion of the Jesuits from New Spain, 1767," Mid-America, XIX (Jan- 
ary, 1937), 3-30. 

31 The figures given are Middendorf 's, ibid., 27; Jacob Baegert, S. J., 
Nachrichten von der Amerikanische Halbinsel Calif ornien.- mit eiem zwey- 
fachen Anhang falscher Nachrichten (Mannheim, 1772), 301, says there 
were fifty Sonora-Sinaloa Jesuits. Baegert's volume 298-312, "Von Ankunft 
des Don Gaspar P6rtala[sic], und von dem Abzug der Jesuiten aus Cali- 
f ornien." 

32 Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part III, 25-26. 


arduous journey which took them by sea to San Bias and over- 
land to Vera Cruz, which they reached on February 14, 1769, 
nine months after leaving Guaymas. The last part of their jour- 
ney began on April 8, 1769^^ when they sailed from Vera Cruz 
for Havana, Cuba. Their voyage to Cadiz, including a long stop- 
over in Havana, consumed more than three months, for they did 
not reach Cadiz until July 12, 1769.^* 

Father Pfefferkorn and the others from Sonora and Sinaloa 
were thus late arrivals, for most of the Jesuits had come in 1767 
and 1768.^^^ A few more had yet to reach Spain the following 
year. The earlier arrivals were housed in the large building 
which had been the former Jesuit mission hospice and in two 
other such establishments, but when these were filled the mis- 
sionaries were taken to Franciscan, Dominican, Capuchin, Au- 
gustinian, and other cloisters, and were even lodged wtih private 

The early arrivals in Spain were not forced to tarry long 
before continuing their journey to Italy. Father Och, who reached 
Spain in 1768, remained in Puerto de Santa Maria for three 
months. He states that this delay, which seems slight in com- 
parison to those suffered by members of Pfeiferkorn's band, was 
occasioned by the fact that the king had no ships available for 
transport purposes, and that the merchants of Santa Maria and 
Cadiz were not anxious for the Jesuits to depart. Each Jesuit 
received daily from the royal treasury eight reales de vellon and 
those who were ill, ten. Och estimated that one thousand guilders 
were spent daily by the ex-missionaries in 1768 and informs us 

33 Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part III, 46. The French vessel was the 
AvenhiiHer aboard which had arrived one French and two Spanish royal 
mathematicians who were en route to Lower California to witness a solar 
eclipse. (For an account of this expedition see "Notes and Comment," in 
the present Mid- America. Ed.) 

34 See ibid., 27-48, for the description of the journey from Matape to 

35 Mundwiler, op. cit., 638, states that most of the expelled Jesuits 
reached Spain in 1768. Mundwiler's account of "German Jesuits in Spanish 
prisons in the 18th Century" as the title states, concerns itself primarily 
with the fortunes of German Jesuits during and after the expulsion, but as 
Mundwiler himself says, 623, "it is hardly possible to separate the fate of 
German Jesuits from that of Spanish Jesuits." Hence, this monograph of 
fifty-two pages which treats briefly all phases of the expulsion, from the 
promulgation of the royal edict to the final evacuation of the Jesuits from 
Spain's colonies and from Spain, is of wider interest than its title would 
indicate. The monograph is for the most part based upon the accounts of 
Jesuits who were unhappy participants in the expulsion and upon official 
documents from Simancas, Spain, in the collection of the Jesuit historian, 
Bernard Duhr. 

selbid., 639; and Och, Nachrichten, 158-159. 


that within a month after their arrival not a single piece of black 
cloth was to be had in either Santa Maria or Cadiz ; all had been 
purchased by the Jesuits who needed to re-clothe themselves." 

For the most part the ex-missionaries were not badly treated 
while in Spain. They mention cramped quarters and purposeless 
quizzing to which they were subjected from time to time, but 
they speak also of entertainments in the form of concerts to 
which they could listen or in which they participated^'' and of 
carrying on their religious life in a quite normal manner.^" 

There is a note of bitterness in Middendorf's diary, however, 
when he describes the treatment accorded to the Sonora and 
Sinaloa ex-missionaries. They were brought from Cadiz to Santa 
Maria in small boats and there, heavily guarded, were marched 
to the former mission hospice, where they were lodged on the 
top floor in rooms with boarded-up windows. "We had hardly 
light enough to say our breviary. Guards stood in the halls and 
in the street below. Officers broke our bread and cut up our meat 
to see whether they contained perhaps a letter or some commu- 
nication with outsiders. When it was time to have our beards 
clipped two soldiers with fixed bayonets stood at our sides so 
that we might not speak with the barber. When doctors were 
admitted to the sick it was always in the presence of officers so 
that nothing might be discussed except that which the demands 
of the sick made necessary. We were not permitted to celebrate 
Mass in the church, but some high ceilinged rooms were cut 
through and made into a chapel where Mass was celebrated." 
"However," writes Middendorf patiently, "after a year we were 
permitted to open windows to get fresh air." ^° 

By 1770 there were few Jesuits left in Spain.*^ Part of those 
who remained were forced to do so because illness rendered their 
removal impossible; others were kept prisoners while various 
charges against them were considered by the Spanish officials 

37 Och, Nachrichten, 161-163. Och, 160, mentions also a partly success- 
ful attempt which was made to break the morale of the members of the 
Society in Spain. A decree was read to them promising positions of honor, 
... to all who would renounce the Society; or they were offered complete 
endowments if they would enter another order. Of twelve hundred Jesuits 
in Santa Maria, one hundred and eighteen agreed. These were then in- 
formed that the king lacked authority to arrange such matters and that 
they would have to go to Italy to receive permission from the Pope and 
from the Jesuit Father General. Och adds that after this the one hundred 
and eighteen were no longer treated as Jesuits but as outcasts. 

38Mundwiler, 640-642. 

39 Ibid., 647-678. 

40 Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part III, 48. 

41 Mundwiler, 653. 


who apparently wished to find a justification for the general 
expulsion of the Society. 

Those Jesuits who remained captive in Spain for several 
years as scapegoats included many of the Sonora members of 
the Society and would also have included eight Germans who 
had been missionaries in Lower California had not these already 
sailed out of Cadiz on a Dutch ship the day before the promulga- 
tion of a royal order which would have kept them prisoners. 
Father Benno Ducrue of Munich, who reports this incident, did 
not know the reason for the order,*^ but apparently the California 
Jesuits were believed to have traded with the Dutch.^^ 

Of the other Jesuits who remained in Spain Father Baegert, 
who was formerly a missionary in Lower California and who 
himself had fortunately departed on the Dutch ship with Ducrue, 

42 How he learned about the order at all is not revealed in his diary. 
See "Des Herrn Abbe Franz Benno Ducrue ehemaligen Vorstehers aller 
californischen Missionen der Gesellschaft Jesu. Reise aus Califomien, durch 
das Gebiet von Mexico nach Europa im Jahre 1767," in Murr, 389-430. 
Ducrue, 428-429, reveals the interesting fact that his group aboard the 
Dutch ship returned to Germany via Ostend rather than proceeding first to 
Italy, as most of the ex-missionaries had to do. The idea of returning to 
central Europe via the Netherlands originated with some of the Jesuits 
who favored this route "so that we," as they put it, "could stand immedi- 
ately upon disembarking on the territory of our sovereign reigning prince 
of the house of Austria." See Mundwiler, 651-652. 

43 Ducrue, 428, and Duhr, 53, brand this a false charge. A document 
found by Dr. Engel Sluiter during his extensive researches in Dutch ar- 
chives, 1935-36, reveals that in 1746 two Dutch ships landed on the west 
coast of New Spain, one at Matanchel, the other at San Telmo. The ships 
had been equipped at Batavia by Baron G. G. van Imhoff, Governor-General 
of the Dutch East India Company, with a view to engaging in the Mexican 
trade. The governor-general hoped that he might persuade the viceroy of 
New Spain to "conceal or consent to Dutch commerce," because no Manila 
galleon had set sail for three or four years, and it was believed by the 
Dutch governor-general that there was a shortage of European merchandise 
in New Spain. An Irish Jesuit, Don Lorenzo Ochaam [de Cahan] who had 
been aboard one of the vessels but had been taken in captivity to Colima, 
wrote a letter in English to one Don Thomas Power, "one of his friends" at 
Guadalajara. This letter of January 26, 1747, opened by the President of 
Guadalajara in the absence of Powers, states, among other things, that in 
1745 de Cahan had talked with Spanish missionaries in Macao who had 
expressed their belief that a trading venture between Batavia and New 
Spain would without doubt succeed. De Cahan says that he accepted pas- 
sage on one of the ships for Mexico on condition that "he would not be 
obliged to do anything contrary to his duty or to the interests of the French 
nation, in the service of which he had lived for twenty years, or to those 
of Spain, where he hoped to live some day . . ." See Algemeen Rijksar chief , 
The Hague, Netherlands. Koloniaal Aanwinsten tot 1887, No. 112. See also 
A. K. A. Gijsberti Hodenpijl, "De mislukte pogingen van G. G. van Imhoff 
tot het aanknoopen van handels-betrekkingen met Spaansch-Amerika in 
1745 en 1746," in Bijdragen tot de Taalland — en volkenkimde van Neder- 
landsch-Indi^ (Koninklijk Instituut voor de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van 
Nederlandsch-Indi6, s'Gravenhage, 1917), 502-557. 


writes that twenty-eight survivors from Sonora and Sinaloa,^* 
and five others who had lived on the island of Chiloe were the 
only ones still in Spain out of a total of more than five thousand 
Jesuits. The Chiloe priests were in the fourth year of captivity, 
and the twenty-eight survivors from Sonora and Sinaloa in their 
third. All were kept closely confined and were carefully guarded. 
Their retention in Spain was due, according to Baegert, to the 
Spaniards' hope of learning from these ex-missionaries about "a 
great state crime" or some other knavery.-*^ 

Father Baegert was correct in his surmise. Some of the 
Spanish officials believed that the "five Jesuits from Chiloe" had 
intended to deliver the island of Chiloe into the hands of the 
English.'**' The Extraordinary Privy Council on July 30, 1776 
made a general explanation for the continued captivity of Jesuits 
who had worked as missionaries in the outlying provinces of the 
Americas. These Jesuits had advanced far into such lands and 
their adjacent islands ; hence, their departure from Spain, it was 
believed, would be inimical to the crown, for they could reveal 
to crown enemies matters about the interiors of such regions.*^ 

Included in this group of "potential betrayers of state secrets" 
were Fathers Pfefferkorn, Middendorf and Gerstner. Father Och, 
fourth member of the original "quartet," had through fortuitous 
circumstances been able to leave Spain for Germany, via Italy, 
in June 1768,^^ but his companions, most of whom were from the 
Sonora and Sinaloa provinces, were scattered throughout Spain 
in various cloisters. When this distribution occurred Father Mid- 
dendorf was lodged in a cloister near Ciudad Rodrigo. There he 
lived for a year and three months until his release was effected 
through the intercession of Empress Maria Theresa in 1776.*^ 
Middendorf was thus the second of the "quartet" to return to 

44 That is, survivors of the original fifty or fifty-one Jesuits from So- 
nora and Sinaloa. 

45 Baegert, 301, footnote. 

46 Duhr, 53. Father Fritz, one of the five, was not from Chiloe. When 
Fritz desired to know why he was kept prisoner with four other Jesuits 
with whom he had never worked, and what the accusation against him 
might be, he was told by the Marquis of Zeurina that he, the Marquis, also 
did not know. The Marquis explained that he had received an order to arrest 
five Jesuits, had found only four, the fifth never having appeared, and so 
had seized Father Fritz. This incident is related in Mundwiler, 660. 

47 Mundwiler, 654. 

48 Och reached Spain about a year and three months earlier than did 
the Sonora Jesuits, for he was in Mexico City when the decree of expulsion 
arrived there. This circumstance, and the fact that he was with the group 
arriving from Mexico City may explain why he did not share the fate of the 
other Sonora Jesuits. 

49 Middendorf, Tagebuch, Part III, 52-54. 


The circumstances leading to Father Pfefferkorn's release 
are revealed in a letter which his sister, Isabella, wrote in 1777 
(late March or early April) to the Elector of Koln, Max Ferdi- 
nand. She states: "I feel impelled to declare that my only living 
brother, the ex-Jesuit Ignaz Pfefferkorn, born in the Province of 
Cologne, has been held prisoner with other ex-Jesuits for a long 
time in a place until now unknown [to me]. But because one of 
them, Bernard Middendorf from Vechta in the diocese Miinster, 
has already been freed, has returned home, and has had me in- 
formed that he saw my brother in the abbotry of St. Norbert 
and left him there ill,^*' [I beg that Your Electoral Highness 
intercede with His Majesty, the King of Spain, to secure my 
brother's release]." ^^ 

The elector sympathized with the supplicant and dispatched 
a letter to the king of Spain on April 8, 1777. With his own he 
included the letter from Isabella. There followed correspondence 
which involved the king and some of his ministers as well as the 
Extraordinary Council of State which took until December 3 to 
announce that it could find no objection to granting the elector's 
request. Hence, on December 16 the king approved Pfefferkorn's 
liberation and ordered that he be conducted to the border.^^ Thus 
permission was obtained for Father Pfefferkorn to return to the 
land which he had left some twenty-three years earlier.^^ 

Pfefferkorn was now fifty-two years old. During his twenty- 
three years of travel, missionary work, and captivity in Spain 
he had seen and experienced much which was of the greatest 
interest to his countrymen, most of whom were eager for infor- 
mation about strange parts of the world. Their interest, it can- 
not be doubted, had a great deal to do with Pfefferkorn's decision 
to write and publish a comprehensive work about Sonora and 
about the expulsion of the Jesuits therefrom. Moreover, he 
desired to express his gratitude for his release from Spain to 
the Elector, Max Ferdinand, to whom the volumes are dedicated 
in terms of greatest affection. Pfefferkorn felt that he had a 

50 On his way out of Spain Middendorf remained for eight daj^s in 
Ciudad Rodrigo, where Pfefferkorn was confined. Middendorf must have 
seen Pfefferkorn at this time, though he makes no mention of having done 
so in his diary. Ibid., 53. 

11 Mundwiler, 668, and Duhr, 54-55. Isabella Pfefferkorn was the wife of 
Berntges, electoral councilor of the board of domains (KatnmerratJ. 

52 Mundwiler, 669. 

53 Father Michael Gerstner was not permitted to leave Spain until Feb- 
ruary, 1780 when his release was secured through the intercession of the 
Bishop of VV^urzburg. Ibid., 669-670. 


contribution to make to the store of the world's knowledge. Who 
had a more intimate knowledge of Sonora and its inhabitants, 
of its trees and its animals, and of its very earth, than he and 
his brother missionaries, who had traversed so much of the 
territory in which they had spent years of their lives instructing 
the natives in the Christian concept of a better life? Finally, 
would not such a work as he proposed to write justify, more 
than any philippic directed at Spain's policy, the work which 
the members of the Jesuit Society had been carrying on in the 
missionary fields of the Americas? Here, in other words, was a 
sample of what the servants of Christ had been doing; why, 
then, were they so rudely torn away from their apostolic labors ? 
All these reasons for writing the Description of the Province of 
Sonora are either stated or implied in the two volumes. 

Pfefferkorn mentions in his dedication a conversation which 
he had in Diisseldorf with the Elector when the latter granted 
permission that the work be dedicated to him. In the dedication 
Pfefferkorn states further that his purpose in writing the work 
''is to lift out of obscurity Sonora, which is still quite unknown 
in Germany but which is yet very remarkable, and to deliver to 
the public, which is extremely eager for information concerning 
distant lands and instructive journeys, no fictitious adventures 
but essential and useful history." "'* 

The preface following the dedication reveals many important 
facts about the Description itself. The author gives here the 
reasons for the long interval which elapsed between his return 
to Germany and the appearance of the first and second volumes 
of his work in 1794 and 1795. He makes some remarks as to the 
sources of information which he has called upon in the prepara- 
tion of this work other than his own observations and experi- 
ences. He summarizes briefly the contents of the three volumes, 
and comments upon the annotations of his "learned friend," A. C. 
Pfefferkorn writes : 

Sonora is one of the most important countries in all Spanish Amer- 
ica, as well because of its fertile soil as because of its many and rich 
gold and silver mines. But as splendid as that country is, up to now 
its condition has been little known in Germany. At least, I have neither 
read nor heard that a credible description of it has appeared. 

In the eleven years which I spent in the management of three dif- 
ferent missions,55 and on the journeys which I often had to make 

54 Pfefferkorn, I, Dedication. 

55 Pfefferkorn may have been at mission Sonoitac for a short time, but 


through other regions of this country, I had the opportunity of view- 
ing a good part of it myself and of becoming very familiar with it. 
The many years' association with all the other missionaries, who had 
lived in Sonora, during the tedious return journey to Europe and dur- 
ing our six years' captivity in the harbor of Santa Maria at Cadiz, 
supplied me with dependable accounts of that which I had not seen 

After my return to Germany, various persons of distinction and 
many of my most esteemed friends desired that I endeavor to com- 
municate to the public my collection of the noteworthy facts about 
Sonora. But my health, impaired by the great hardship of my jour- 
ney and captivity, as well as other lesser obstacles, often kept me 
from working, and till now thwarted my wish to gratify the desire of 
my noble patron. Finally, however, despite all difficulties, I have 
brought the work to a conclusion, and I hereby now give to the gentle 
reader the true description of this excellent country. 

One must not expect a detailed and complete natural history from 
me ; for such a work would have required the most exact observations, 
and consequently much more time than was permitted by the official 
duties of a missionary, who was practically always occupied with the 
physical and spiritual care of his Indians. Nevertheless, I shall faith- 
fully and honestly submit to my readers that which I saw with my own 
eyes and myself experienced and that which I learned from my Sonora 
brethren or other credible witnesses, and I doubt not that many of 
my accounts will appear remarkable enough to them. 

The entire work comprises three volumes. In the first volume I 
describe first the boundaries and different divisions of the country, 
with the Indian tribes living therein. Herewith I trace the courses of 
the rivers which can be seen on the appended map, as well as the vil- 
lages of the peoples distributed along the banks of these rivers. This 
map was in part made, in part approved, by the general agreement of 
all the missionaries in Sonora, and was found to be so good that we 
used it without erring on our frequent journeys through the country. 

Following the description of the region, I proceed to natural his- 
tory, which I separate into the plant-kingdom, the mineral-kingdom, 
and the animal-kingdom, after the customary arrangement. Then fol- 
lows a quite detailed account of the apostate, barbarous Seris and the 
neighboring wild Apaches, two nations which before and during my 
residence there caused the most frightful devastations in Sonora with 
their plundering inroads and hostile invasions, and now, perhaps, have 
already brought about the complete destruction of this splendid 

At the end of the first volume I place a list of prices paid in Sonora 

spent most of his eleven years in Sonora at missions Ati and Cucurpe. See 
above, pp. 235-236, and below, p. 245, and footnote 74, 


during my time there for American and European products. Many a 
reader will find pleasure in this index, and from it will also be aware 
of numerous new regulations made recently by the Spaniards in their 
America, as well as the tremendous profit which is realized there on 
most of the European goods. 

In the second volume are described the bodily constitution and 
disposition of the Sonoran Indians, their manners and customs, be- 
liefs, occupations, and so on. In this connection I confirm, indeed, much 
that Robertson and others report in their writings about the American 
savages, but much also I call in question, or have to deny entirely. 
Should many things which I write concerning the Indians seem in- 
credible, my answer is that I do not deceive my reader with fabulous 
narratives or those borrowed from strange, often spurious sources, but 
deliver to him only such accounts as are based upon my own observa- 
tions, inquiries, and constant experiences through many years, as well 
as on those of all other missionaries who were with me in Sonora. I 
close this volume with a detailed description of the behavior of the 
converted Indians; of the regulation and internal administration of 
the Sonora missions; finally, of the Spaniards living in Sonora. 

The third volume contains the description of my return journey 
from Sonora, through America, Spain, France, and Brabant, to Ger- 
many. In this description some things appear which will be of interest 
to many readers. It contains, for example, the royal order by which 
the Jesuits were perpetually banned from all parts of the Spanish 
monarchy, together with the appended secret instructions of the then 
prime minister, Conde de Aranda, according to whose orders all Span- 
ish officials were to execute the king's orders — which last part has 
never before been published in Germany. 

There is an account of the arrest of the Sonora missionaries and 
of their treatment on the journey and during their imprisonment. 
Here also is recounted the remarkable behavior of the Indians and 
Spaniards in America toward the missionaries when in the year 1768 
they were led through the entire Kingdom of Mexico to Vera Cruz as 
state prisoners. In the narration of this slow and often interrupted 
journey I describe some cities and also other important places and re- 
gions of which the names have hardly been heard in Germany. My 
delay in the harbor of Vera Cruz, through which passes the famous 
and very considerable trade of Spain with Mexico, gives me the oppor- 
tunity to entertain my readers with various accounts of this trade. 

One can also learn in more detail from my work than from any 
other such German work about the island of Cuba, with the important 
city, Havana, and its excellent harbor. I do not relate much that is un- 
common of the places and regions which I passed through on my 
journey through Spain, because I had neither time nor opportunity to 
inspect them sufficiently for their correct description; also, because 
apart from that, considerable information of Spain is already current 


here through the geography by Busching, and the works of other 
authors. Nevertheless, the reader will find much that is interesting in 
my account of this kingdom, especially in the description of the Sierra 
Morena, which has in recent times become famous, and of the prov- 
inces of Biscaya, Alava, and Guipuscoa, of which he perhaps has not 
learned heretofore. 

As an appendix to this third volume, I add the reliable reports fur- 
nished us by the meritorious missionaries Eusebius Kino, Jacobus 
Sedelmeyer, Joannes Hugarte, and Ferdinandus Consack of their jour- 
neys, undertaken partly by land through Sonora, partly on the gulf 
of California, to the Colorado River, the purpose of their investigation 
being to ascertain whether California was an island, the opinion of 
the past, or only a peninsula, as it is now known to be. During my re- 
turn journey, and during the time spent in the harbor of Santa Maria 
at Cadiz, Father Jacobus Sedelmeyer was a companion in captivity for 
eight whole years. In frequent conversations with this most reverend 
man I learned from him not only his own observations concerning the 
aforementioned subject, but also most of those made by his three 
brethren Kino, Hugarte, and Consack, [with the last two of whom he 
was well acquainted]. Because of this evidence of their truth the re- 
ports mentioned should be of even more interest to the reader. 

Finally, I mention that a learned friend, who does not wish to be 
named, placed at my disposal various instructive footnotes to my work. 
These serve partly to confirm that which might seem too strange and 
unusual in my narrative of the customs and the nature of the So- 
norans; also, to point out what is common to all American Indians, 
and in what they differ from each other. I was sure that these foot- 
notes would be pleasing to the reader, and decided, therefore, to in- 
sert them into my Description of S,onora. They will be indicated in 
the work with the initials A. C. My own footnotes, on the other hand, 
will be inserted without this addition.^'' 

Pfefferkorn's third volume was probably never published, if, 
indeed, it was ever written, for the only notice of it which has 
come to light is contained in the author's own preface, quoted 
above." Volumes I and II of the Description were published in 
1794 and 1795 respectively, when Pfefferkorn was about seventy 
years of age. One may surmise then that the aged missionary 
died before he could bring his projected work to completion, for 
had it existed in manuscript form it could have been published 
posthumously or it might at least have been discovered by later 

56 Pfefferkom, Preface. 

57 hoc. cit. 

58 Such as Anton Huonder, S. J., Bernard Duhr, S. J., Carlos Sommer- 
vogel, S. J., or Robert Streit, O. F. M., to name but four. 


Concerning the writing and publication of volumes I and II, 
there are certain questions which cannot be ansvv^ered directly 
but about which it is entertaining to speculate. For instance, 
where did Pfefferkorn get the funds necessary to publish the 
volumes ? It is stated on the title pages of both the volumes that 
they were published "at the author's expense." There had been 
a possibility that the ex-Jesuits would receive life-long pensions 
from the king of Spain after the expulsion, but apparently these 
pensions did not materialize.^^ 

What were the specific documentary sources Pfefferkorn had 
at hand when he put the volumes into their final form ? The pri- 
vate papers of the expelled Jesuits had been, for the most part, 
confiscated by Spanish officials during the course of the expulsion 
of the Jesuits; commissions were established to read through 
the confiscated papers with the greatest care in the hope that 
"incriminating evidence" would be unearthed.^" Pfefferkorn 
states in introducing his chapter on the establishment of the 
Sonora missions*^^ that he and his brother Jesuits were "robbed" 
of their papers, but in a footnote he remarks that in spite of this 
loss he was able to save and bring to Germany a part of the writ- 
ings which he had set down while in Sonora.^^ Moreover, it is 
clear from the author's remarks concerning the conditions in 
New Spain and in Sonora after 1767 that he had access to letters 
from New Spain and to Spanish newspapers during his captiv- 
ity in Spain.*^^ All of these materials were of assistance to him 
in writing the volumes; but they must have been only fragmen- 
tary in nature. Indeed, Pfefferkorn states that his account of the 
establishment of the missions is not entirely reliable ; that he has 
written down only what he could remember.*'* 

Pfefferkorn's indebtedness to Father Jacob Sedelmayr for 
valuable information must have been considerable. Sedelmayr 
had gone to Mexico in 1735, some twenty years before Pfeffer- 
korn's arrival there. He had worked in Sonora and on the Cali- 
fornia peninsula, and had explored both regions extensively.^^ 
Pfefferkorn definitely acknowledges that during their mutual 

59 Och, Nachrichten, 168. 

60 Ibid., 92-93. 

61 Pfefferkorn, II, 315. Middendorf, Tagehuch, Part III, 47, and Ducrue, 
424, speak of Jesuit papers being confiscated in Havana, Cuba. See Mund- 
wiler, 668, for further information about confiscations. 

62 Pfefferkorn, loc. cit. 

63 Ibid., I, 191 ff . 

64 Ibid., II, 316. 

65 Huonder, 115. 


captivity in Spain he received from Sedelmayr much information 
concerning the latter's explorations and the findings of other 
earlier Jesuits known to Sedelmayr, Sedelmayr may have made 
other contributions which Pfefferkorn does not take occasion to 
mention. Sedelmayr could have had a large share in making the 
composite map appended to the first volume, for he is known 
to have made maps and to have written careful reports about 
the regions which he explored.*^*' Too, Sedelmayr was a student 
of Indian languages. Father Och states in his diary that after 
ten years of work Sedelmayr had prepared a lexicon of the Pima 
language which was destroyed in 1751 during the Pima revolt.''^ 
It is possible that Sedelmayr's knowledge on this subject may 
have assisted Pfefferkorn in drawing up the short treatise on 
Sonora languages which he includes in the second volume of the 
Description.^^ Pfefferkorn himself spoke the Pima language, how- 
ever, as he had studied it with Father Kaspar Stiger, missionary 
at San Ignacio, who had been in Sonora about twenty-six years 
before Pfefferkorn arrived there.^^. 

It is unnecessary to speculate further concerning the "com- 
posite" nature of the Description or about its other possible "co- 
authors." Pfefferkorn speaks of receiving much of his informa- 
tion from his brother Black Robes and from other "credible wit- 
nesses," for he felt, as the reader must feel, that in so doing he 
was broadening the base of experience and knowledge upon 
which the volumes rest. If he seems to us credulous at times in 
utilizing this second hand information, repeating as he does 
"yarns" about snakes that lash offenders with their tails, about 
mountain goats escaping from the hunter by precipitating them- 
selves over cliffs to fall unharmed on their strong horns many 
feet below, we must be interested to learn that in his time such 
stories were often accepted as fact. 

The same desire to increase the value of his work by widen- 
ing its scope led him to include in both volumes some rather 
copious notes supplied by his "learned friend," ^° A. C, who did 
not wish to be named. Who was A. CJ His identity has not yet 
been established, but he was an individual who had read widely 

66 Loc. cit. 

67 Och, Nachrichten, 75. 

68 Pfefferkorn, 240 ff. 

69 Pfefferkorn, 243, says that Stiger had been a missionary for thirty- 
six years, but Huonder, 116, states that Stiger arrived in Mexico in 1730. 
Hence, he would have been in Mexico only twenty-six years before Pfeffer- 
korn arrived there. 

70 See above, p. 246. 


in the then available literature on the New World. It is quite 
possible that A. C. was an ex- Jesuit. He not only was Pfeffer- 
korn's friend but was acquainted also with Father Georg Rehds, 
an ex-Jesuit, who had been a missionary in Lower California.'^^ 
Moreover, he had access to some writings of Father Joannes 
Breuer, ex- Jesuit, and onetime missionary in Brazil;"- he does 
not reveal how he came by these. More than once A. C. chides 
his contemporary, the historian Robertson, for the latter's fail- 
ure to use missionary letters as sources for descriptions of the 
Americas. ^^ And A. C. himself relied heavily on the writings of 
Jesuit missionaries for his annotations of the Description. The 
annotations of A. C. add little that is valuable to Pfefferkorn's 
volumes. The notes are usually irrelevant to the material given 
by Pfefferkorn. Also they are tedious, inasmuch as A. C. at- 
tempted to generalize about the Western Hemisphere from in- 
complete and inadequate sources and strained to compare a wide 
variety of phenomena observed in Sonora with analogous or sim- 
ilar phenomena recorded in connection with regions other than 

These annotations provide the only irrelevant material in the 
Description. Pfeiferkorn himself seldom deviates from his pur- 
pose, which is to tell as much as he knows about Sonora. His 
organization of subject matter is quite categorical, especially in 
the first volume which is devoted primarily to "natural history." 
This categorical method of writing doubtless has its advantages 
in enabling the author to set down with greater clarity facts 
which he was reproducing from memory and from incomplete 
notes. Perhaps also the confiscation of most of Pfefferkorn's 
notes by the Spaniards accounts for the most conspicuous weak- 
ness of the Description, namely, its frequent failure to associate 
matters of geographical and anthropological fact with specific 

The author invites criticism also for his predilection for in- 
cluding MerkwUrdigkeiten when the reader is consumed with 
curiosity about the mission system or perhaps about the author's 
own activities as a missionary. With regard to the latter subject 
Pfefferkorn states in his preface that he was a missionary in 

71 For references to Rehds, see Pfefferkorn, I, 136, footnote; II, 300, 
footnote. Huonder, 114, says that Rehds went to Mexico in 1748 and worked 
in Lower California until the expulsion. 

72 For references to Breuer, see Pfefferkorn, I, 284, footnote, and 297, 

73 Ibid., II, 128, footnote. 


three missions, but nowhere in his two volumes does he mention 
specifically that he was charged with caring for more than the 
two missions of Ati and Cucurpe. Here is a case where our 
author's reluctance to write autobiographically makes impossible 
a complete answer to the problem of the third mission."* 

Despite various weaknesses of the Description, both in style 
and in content, we may find much satisfaction in Pfefferkorn's 
achievement. Everything he has written in the two volumes is 
of historical, geographical, anthropological, or antiquarian inter- 
est and value. He had seen more and done more during his life- 
time of three score years and ten than many another of his con- 
temporaries, and he humbly offers us his Description of the 
Province of Sonera as a testimony of the most active and fruit- 
ful part of his life. His intention was solely to write a description 
of a region in which he worked, not an autobiography of his 
own labors in that region. It is yet probable that those glimpses 
which he gives us of his own life in Sonora, especially as his 
existence must have been like that of his brother missionaries, 
are historically the most valuable portions of the volumes. 

One pictures a sturdy young man, keenly aware of the enor- 
mous, perhaps insurmountable, obstacles that stand between his 
determination to bring spiritual enlightenment to a brutish peo- 
ple and the realization of that aim. Such obstacles ranged from 
the comparatively simple problem of making himself understood 
by the natives to the vastly more difficult ones of altering the 
barbaric manners and customs of the natives so that they would 
be the more receptive to Christianity, and of rescuing the In- 
dians from the evil consequences which attended their weaker 
culture in its clash with the stronger Spanish culture. 

He made himself understood to the Indians by learning their 
language. He achieved something in altering their manners and 

74 When Pfefferkorn first arrived in Sonora he was ordered to re- 
establish mission Son6ita, scene of Father Ruhen's martyrdom which took 
place in 1751 during the Pima revolt. This project came to naught; there is 
no record that Pfefferkorn did any evangelizing in the Son6ita area. The 
"third mission" was perhaps that of San Ignacio, where Father Stiger re- 
sided, and where Pfefferkorn studied the Pima tongue with the aged Swiss 
Jesuit. A note in Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of the North Mexican 
States, 1531-1880 (San Francisco, 1884), I, 561-562, gives still another clue 
to the identity of the author's third mission. Bancroft refers to a letter of 
Father Jos6 Garrucho, visitor in Sonora, wherein there is reference to 
"Father Ignacio Pfefencor," missionary at Guebavi. San Gabriel de Gu6bavi 
was but a few miles northeast of present-day Nogales, Arizona. Bancroft 
derived his information from the "Informe del Padre Lizazoin sobre las 
Provincias de Sonora y Nueva Viscaya," in Materiales para la historia de 


customs by his own gentle example, by ceaselessly correcting and 
guiding them, and now and then, it seem.s, by a display of right- 
eous wrath. He combatted the "evil individuals" among the 
Spaniards in the only way that he and his fellow missionaries 
knew, namely, by attempting to keep the Indians isolated from 
the members of the conquering race. 

This priest was intensely practical in his evangelizing. He 
managed his stock and his farming so v/ell that he could save 
money with v/hich to buy clothing and implements for his In- 
dians. He studied books on medicine and investigated native 
remedies so that he might physic his sick charges. He rode 
horseback in the sun and in the rain, by day and by night, to 
minister to the wants of his flock. He was practical enough even 
to be discouraged at times, but his feelings of discouragement 
were only the breaths he took to enable him to work the more 

And with all this he preserved his sense of humor. We see 
him withhold his laughter only with difficulty as he holds a 
mirror before a grimacing Indian who is investigating the mys- 
teries of this strange object for the first time. We note his con- 
cern at the sight of an Indian lying unconscious before him, but 
sense his amusement when he is able to bring instantaneous 
relief to this native — who has gorged himself on mesquite fruit 
— by tickling the glutton's throat with a feather. And we watch 
him urge his horse to a gallop as he accepts the challenge of his 
Indian guides who have boasted of their flettness of foot. 

In the saddle or out of it, Pfefferkorn's life as missionary 
was an arduous round of service to his Indians and to those 
Spaniards who might be living within the boundaries of his mis- 
sion district. He acted as spiritual guide, as doctor and nurse, 
as magistrate, as teacher of music, as farmer and stock-raiser. 
With all this he yet had time to observe and record on paper 
and in his memory the large number of facts and generalizations 
which years later he wrote in his Description. But he was pre- 
vented from assembling yet more elaborate accounts, for in his 
own words the writing of a detailed and complete natural history 
"would have required the most exact observations, and conse- 
quently much more time than was permitted by the official duties 
of a missionary." ^^ 

Still there were times when by candle-light in the solitude of 

75 See above, p. 244. 


his chamber he could ponder over the problems which are too 
big for man to understand. Hosts of brilliant moths, attracted 
by the candle, fluttered into the room extinguishing the light 
with their whirring wings until the priest fashioned a paper 
screen to shield the flame. Now he could work, but now also his 
native curiosity overcame him. He placed vessels of water next 
the lantern so that the moths, colliding with the screen would 
fall into the water trapped. "Then," he says, "I had the oppor- 
tunity to admire the inimitable colors and decorations which 
nature squandered on these insects. ... It is impossible for a 
rational mind to remain unmoved when regarding this wonder 
of nature. One feels the undeniable existence of the Creator; one 
is astonished at His incomprehensible work. One is humbled by 
His unmeasured grandeur; and one is animated by the most 
tender desires to bring to nature's Creator the fitting sacrifice 
of veneration, praise, and thankfulness." "*' 

Theodore E. Treutlein 

76 Pf efferkom, I, 381-383. 

Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, 
Dominican of the Frontier 

The march of civiHzation is not a self-propelling movement. 
Behind it, giving it direction and character, is a complexity of 
forces, good, bad and indifferent. It has been said of one of the 
greatest civilizing efforts in history, the Spanish pioneering of 
the New World, that three capital motives inspired the actors, 
gospel, greed and glory, the urges, namely, to spread the Faith, 
to acquire wealth, to further national prestige or individual 
fame. Of the three motives, that of spreading the Faith was in a 
sense the most fundamental. No one abreast of the findings of 
present-day research fails to see that Spanish policy in the New 
World was directed with more sincerity than might at first sight 
appear to a religious aim — the settled purpose to bring under 
the yoke of Christ the native populations whose lands were over- 
run by the ruthless conquistador es. This was the missionary 
idea, the effort to throw out the boundaries of the Church in 
ever widening circles among the aborigines sitting in darkness 
and the shadow of death. 

What was true of Spain in America was also true of France 
in America. That glamorous figure, Samuel Champlain, founder 
of New France, announced from the beginning that the purpose 
of his great adventure was to carry the Cross even more so than 
the fleur-de-lis into the vast reaches of the New World. So it re- 
sulted that amid Canadian forests as well as the prairies and 
streams of the valley of the Mississippi were to be found the mis- 
sionaries of New France, plying their tasks of spiritual instruc- 
tion as well as economic and cultural uplift on behalf of the red 
men. That sacred magna carta of the Christian teacher, the divine 
injunction, "teach all nations," was also in a very true sense the 
magna carta of civilization. No other agency in the stream of 
time has achieved even a tithe of the civilizing and cultural ef- 
fects that were begotten of the Christ-given commission to teach 
all nations. 

The study of the Christian missionary as the torch-bearer of 
civilization no less than of the Gospel is an intriguing one and an 

Editor's Note: An address delivered at Rosary College, River Forest, 
111., Mazzuchelli Day, November 4, 1936. 



infinity of books could be written around the theme. Need I tell 
you that here in the Middle United States the missionary has 
made his contribution to whatever economic and cultural devel- 
opment has been achieved? Very recently attempts have been 
made to evaluate the place of the non-Catholic missionary and 
religious teacher in the history of the frontier. This is a study of 
importance, but it does not concern us here. What may concern 
us for the moment is the place which our own Catholic mission- 
aries fill in the frontier story. Unquestionably the word "frontier" 
has a magic about it; it overflows with the finest associations. 
It tells of romance, adventure, courage, enterprise, sacrifice, and, 
let it be said, for only the truth is satisfying, it tells also of 
things not at all inspiring, of sordid acquisitiveness, social in- 
justice, man's inhumanity to man. But by and large and in the 
wealth of meaning, of denotation and connotation expressed by 
it, this single verbal counter, this term "frontier" has probably 
more in it to inspire and thrill than any other term of those we 
make use of in rehearsing the facts of American history. It re- 
captures for us the entire process by which the pioneers of other 
days made their way with slow but relentless pace across the 
continent from the Atlantic seaboard to the Pacific coast. It 
epitomizes that victorious wrestling with the wilderness, that 
infinite output of initiative, energy, daring, and sacrifice that 
went to the making of the West. 

The frontier began on the day which saw the first colonist 
turn his back on the sight of the Atlantic to seek a new home in 
the direction of the setting sun. So did the westward movement 
begin, so did the frontier start to shape itself as the most sig- 
nificant phenomenon in our national history. That thin fringe of 
settlement which we call the frontier, that advance column of 
civilized or semi-civilized life, that spearhead of economic devel- 
opment thrust into the barbarism beyond, had a stimulus behind 
it and this was the lure of free land in the West. Millions of acres 
of government land of the finest agricultural possibilities were 
within reach at prices that made them a gift. Here was the prize 
that eastern folk stretched forth their hands to grasp. Here was 
the objective that drew them on, creating thereby the American 
frontier and the race of American frontiersmen. And when one 
has said "frontier," one has said the whole of American history, 
at least if we are to accept the gospel according to Turner as 
established truth. 

Forty years and three have now elapsed since Professor 


Henry Jackson Turner announced his famous theory which 
sought to explain the entire course of American history with all 
the major issues and problems involved therein in terms of the 
advancing frontier. The theory gave a decided impulse to work 
in the western history field and a whole school of historians grew 
up around it. But if it has had and continues to have its ardent 
devotees, it also has its searching critics. On economic and ma- 
terial factors it does of a certainty lay heavy stress and some- 
times in a manner to suggest that non-material and spiritual 
factors did not operate at all. And here precisely is the weakness 
of the Turnerian viewpoint, when stated, as it often is, without 
qualification and reserve. The quest for free land and other 
motives of the economic order stimulated the westward move- 
ment enormously and kept it going ; but motives of a higher sort, 
cultural, religious, spiritual in their scope, were also at work to 
make the movement what it was. The missionaries who plied 
their ministerial tasks on the line of the frontier had not gone 
thither with a view to taking up land and making a living nor 
were they fired by dreams of economic wealth. They had gone 
thither with a view to preach the Gospel, to save souls, to pro- 
mote the glory of God; these aims were primary with them, 
though in compassing them they incidentally made contributions 
of note to the social and economic welfare of the communities in 
which they lived. They were in the truest sense of the term 
frontiersmen, but frontiersmen with ideals and aims that marked 
them off from other elements in the pioneer population in which 
their lot was cast. It is to honor the memory of a great frontiers- 
man of this type that we are come here today. 

For the thirty years and more that the Italian-born Dominican 
friar, Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, was a participant in the 
American scene, the theatre of his activities was some or other 
corner of the American frontier. When in 1830 he went up from 
his Ohio home to Mackinac as a newly consecrated priest, the 
holy oils of ordination still fresh upon him, he found himself on 
the rim of civilized America; when he passed away thirty-four 
years later, it was in an obscure settlement in southwestern Wis- 
consin, a region that had scarcely emerged as yet from the pio- 
neer stage of development. In the years between he had labored 
in divers localities ; at Sault-Ste-Marie in Michigan, at Green Bay 
and Prairie du Chien in Wisconsin, at Galena and Rock Island in 
Illinois, at Dubuque, Davenport, Iowa City in Iowa — all, in his 
day, pioneer communities with the ear-marks of immaturity 


plain upon them. Almost exclusively the people he dealt with 
were of the humbler sort, red men of various tribes, French- 
Canadian habitants of pure or mixed blood, the simple, unlettered 
immigrant stock, chiefly from Ireland or Germany, who were 
beginning to people the Northwest. Rarely in his missionary 
rounds did he meet with tokens of culture and social refinement 
such as he had known in the aristocratic Italian circles from 
which he came. Providence had indeed directed his steps to play 
the role of an apostle of the frontier and in the admirable effi- 
ciency with which he played it is to be found his chief title to 
posterity's gratitude and praise. 

In a revealing letter which he addressed to that great object 
of his admiration. Bishop Rosati of St. Louis, Father Mazzuchelli 
declared that the three outstanding tasks of the missionary 
priest of his day were : to preserve the Catholic faith of such as 
were already blessed with it, to organize new parishes, and to 
build new churches. To these may be added two other tasks which 
he leaves unmentioned in his letter to Rosati, though in his own 
ministry he devoted himself to them with the utmost earnest- 
ness, namely, the conversion of the Indians and the spread of 
Catholic education. Here were five objectives which between them 
absorbed the energies and priestly zeal of this devoted priest of 
the Order of Preachers during the years that he moved about on 
the American frontier. The result was a personal achievement 
for the upbuilding of the Church unique in the history of western 
Catholicism. From the Great Lakes region to the banks of the 
Mississippi he pursued his tireless and highly fruitful ministry, 
sowing often in travail of spirit and distress of body the harvests 
which later generations were to gather in with joy. 

The first of the objectives to engage the zeal of Father Maz- 
zuchelli, to pursue the line of thought which he himself indi- 
cated, was the preservation of the Faith in the various Catholic 
groups with which he made contact. Any priest who rises to the 
demands of his high vocation must necessarily be concerned for 
the preservation of the Faith in the souls committed to his care. 
But with Father Mazzuchelli concern for souls, for their eternal 
salvation, which meant supplying them with sacramental and 
other means of grace, rose to heroic heights. One of Newman's 
"Plain and Parochial Sermons" bears the caption "Self-denial the 
Test of Religious Earnestness." Nothing evidences more the 
downright sincerity and resoluteness of a priest of God in his 
care of souls than the sacrifices he is ready to make on their ac- 


count. The sacrifices which Father Mazzuchelli made of personal 
convenience and comfort, the physical hardships he submitted to 
in order to be of service to souls, were beyond number. Painful 
journeys of scores of miles were made to bring the sacraments 
to the sick and dying and made often with just enough of nour- 
ishment to keep body and soul together. He tells in his memoirs 
of a missionary trip on which for a whole week he subsisted on 
nothing more than the meager stock of bread and butter he had 
brought along with him. But experiences of this sort, however 
painful they may have been, were made little of when they were 
the price to be paid for the salvation of a human soul. It is un- 
necessary to say that it was vivid faith and the fire which springs 
therefrom, the love of God, which stimulated the stalwart Do- 
minican in his eager quest of souls. The attitude of St. Paul he 
had made his own also, "Woe is me if I preach not the Gospel." 
And with what lively realization of its import he had taken to 
heart the Master's own word, "What shall a man give in ex- 
change for his soul?" Briefly, his attitude in the sacred ministry 
was at all times that of the saints as expressed in the piercing 
plea of one of them, ''Domine, da mihi animas!" The thirty-four 
years of his indefatigable ministerial career closed in fine on this 
note of sacrifice of self in the pursuit of souls. The illness which 
terminated in his holy death was brought on by the haste with 
which he had exposed himself to inclement weather to answer a 
distant sick-call. 

I said a moment ago, a very obvious thing, it must be con- 
fessed, that Father Mazzuchelli was a man of vivid faith. It is 
the characteristic of him which more than any other is brought 
home to one by the reading of his memoirs. The realities of the 
unseen world, the realities which eye hath not seen nor ear heard 
but which faith alone makes contact with, were for him those 
which alone mattered. Nothing so much as his abounding super- 
natural faith explains what he was and what he did. Everything 
about him, his patience, his self-denial, his charity, his zeal for 
souls, the eagerness and ardor of his ministry, strike their roots 
in the depth and sincerity of his faith. 

I have thought it pertinent to stress this aspect of Father 
Mazzuchelli's spiritual life, because, as I cannot repeat too often, 
it helps us more than anything else to understand him, and also 
because it synthesizes better than anything that I know the 
message with which the record of his life will be eloquent down 
the years. No prayer could be more beautiful than the one which 


the Gospel tells us the disciples addressed on one occasion to 
the Master: "O Lord, increase our faith!" That surely was 
Mazzuchelli's lifelong prayer. That surely must be ours also, if 
life is to spell success for us and not a dismal failure. "O Lord, 
increase our faith." Deepen it, broaden it, make it proof against 
the vanities and futilities of time, awaken us ever more to its 
beauty, its power, make us at all times so minded that it will 
ever be for us the pearl of great price, the one thing necessary, 
having which, we have all things, and losing which, we lose the 
one thing which makes life worth living. 

A second objective pointed out by Father Mazzuchelli as 
proper to the missionary-priest of his day was the organization 
of new parishes. The Church of Christ as now organized is a so- 
ciety of complex structure integrated of many administrative 
units, as ecclesiastical provinces, archdioceses, dioceses and par- 
ishes. Of the units named the parish is the most basic, the laity 
being brought therein in immediate dependence on the parish 
priest as the nearest to them of all the ecclesiastical superiors to 
whom they owe obedience. It was Father Mazzuchelli's endeavor, 
whenever the thing was possible, to associate the scattered Cath- 
olic settlers together in parochial groups. Only with such organ- 
ization, which brought with it their official commitment to the 
care of pastors with diocesan credentials, were their spiritual 
interests duly safeguarded. The list of parishes that owe their 
creation to Father Mazzuchelli is an imposing one and witnesses 
to one of the most fruitful phases of his apostolate. Both his 
memoirs and his correspondence with Bishop Rosati of St, Louis 
are replete with data, interesting and edifying, which illustrate 
his activities as a founder and organizer of parishes. 

But no parish is really organized until it has its church. The 
church is the dynamic center of parochial life, the normal ren- 
dezvous where the pastor makes contact with his assembled flock 
and dispenses to them the sacraments and the Word of God. To 
build churches was therefore the third objective which, as Father 
Mazzuchelli saw it, the pioneer missionary-priest of his day had 
to have before him. In the role of church-builder he himself 
achieved a distinction which is unique among the many which 
history attaches to his name. Not only did he make the prelim- 
inary arrangements and collect the funds for the erection of 
numerous houses of worship in the far-flung territory over which 
his ministry ranged; on occasion at least he made architect's 
plans for such structures, which were built in accordance with 


them. He had a talent for architecture which he had cultivated 
by formal study of the subject in his younger days. No talent 
could have served him better in his experience on the frontier. 
Repeatedly the need was felt for a new church here or there and 
in his role of architect he could help, directly or indirectly, to 
supply the need. And so he planned churches, built them, gave 
them names. He put up St. John's Church at Green Bay; later, 
when he had shifted his field of operations to the upper Missis- 
sippi, his hands were busy rearing one sacred edifice after an- 
other, among them, St. Raphael's at Dubuque, St. Michael's at 
Galena, St. Gabriel's at Prairie du Chien, St. Anthony's at Dav- 
enport, St. Paul's at Burlington, The Assumption at Iowa City. 
His reputation as an architect became widespread in Catholic 
and non-Catholic circles alike and it is unnecessary to repeat 
here the well-known tradition that he furnished plans which 
were put to account in the erection of some of the historic public 
buildings of the Northwest. 

Organizing parishes, building churches, and in general, ex- 
ercising the sacred ministry on behalf of souls already blessed 
with the gift of faith did not by any means exhaust the zealous 
activities of Father Mazzuchelli. He owed also a debt of service 
to the thousands of Indians of the various tribes still to be found 
in the wide field which he cultivated. The efficiency with which 
he discharged that debt stands out as one of the most striking 
features of his apostolate. The Church has ever cherished and 
cherishes today with probably greater earnestness than ever 
missionary enterprise among the heathen. Her persistent desire, 
her steady hope is that all heathendom be brought v/ithin range 
of her salutary teaching. To us, who are aware of Father Maz- 
zuchelli's vivid faith, ardent charity, and their product, an un- 
tiring zeal for souls, it seems a matter of course that he should 
have turned wherever opportunity offered to the rich harvest 
that lay within easy reach of the garnerer, to the forlorn Indians. 
At Mackinac, at the very outset of his missionary career, he 
made the acquaintance of one tribe after another, among them, 
the Chippewa and Ottawa. Later he worked with excellent results 
among the Menominee and Winnebago of Wisconsin. What chiefly 
impresses one in his career as Indian missionary is the abundant 
visible success which blessed his labors. He picked up the lan- 
guages of the red men with a facility that was nothing less than 
extraordinary. He was but a relatively short time with the Win- 
nebago when he had mastered their language to a degree that 


enabled him to prepare a prayer-book in Winnebago, which was 
printed in Detroit. Brought under the yoke of Christ, his Indian 
neophytes showed themselves worthy of it. Father Mazzuchelli 
said of the thousand or more of Father Baraga's Catholic Indians 
at Arbre Croche that most if not nearly all of them lived in the 
baptismal innocence that came to them in the sacrament of re- 
generation. The Dominican's own converts among the Winnebago 
ran into numbers surprisingly large. A school for the children 
of this tribe was one of his cherished dreams. He never realized 
the dream, but the efforts he made to set up such an institution 
and secure for it a government appropriation make an interest- 
ing episode of his career and one that reveals him in the light of 
a personality of force and determination, who knew how to deal 
with pressing business problems when need arose. All in all, 
Father Mazzuchelli carried on in striking fashion the glorious 
tradition of evangelical service rendered to the American red 
men through the centuries by zealous missionaries of the great 
religious orders of the Church. 

No one has yet put on record with anything like adequacy 
the contribution which Father Mazzuchelli made to the cause of 
Catholic education in the United States. He was nothing if not 
alive to the tendencies and implications of the new social order 
that was taking shape around him. Above all, he was quick to 
sense the part which schools were to play in preserving and en- 
larging the Faith in the American Catholic body. He saw a 
young nation, largely non-Catholic in its religious status, grow- 
ing up under his eyes and, with the keen intelligence that ever 
marked him, he divined the importance which, as a vigorous and 
assertive democracy, it would inevitably attach to the proper 
education of its citizens. American Catholics would therefore 
have to be an educated body if they were to rise to the demands 
of the noble citizenship which they were beginning to share in 
ever increasing numbers. At the same time there was the fact 
to be reckoned with that the education suited to them would 
have to be of the religious type, one that would insure to Catho- 
lic youth due instruction and training in the Faith. This meant 
Catholic schools and to provide them in the parishes under his 
care Father Mazzuchelli left no stone unturned. In his program 
of parish organization the school house was a no less important 
factor than the church. Sometimes in the initial stages of parish 
growth the same structure had necessarily to serve the purposes 
of both ; but with time and means it generally became possible to 


terminate this makeshift arrangement and a school house, sa- 
cred to the high ends of Catholic education, rose alongside the 
parish church. 

But school buildings alone could not solve the problem they 
were supposed to; teachers had to be found to conduct the 
classes. Mazzuchelli met the situation with characteristic re- 
sourcefulness. He did so by taking a step the most fertile and 
far-reaching in results of all that are on record in the wide 
sweep of his ministry. This was the foundation of a congrega- 
tion of sisters whose major interest would be education. He 
crossed the Atlantic to lay his plans before the highest superiors 
of his order and secure approval for them. The result was the 
establishment at his hands with authorization of the Holy See 
of a community of Sisters of the Third Order of St. Dominic 
under the name of the Congregation of the Most Holy Rosary. 
Later came papal approval of the constitutions of the sister- 
hood, which from the first had made its Vv^ay to a place, a notable 
one, among the groups of valiant religious women engaged in 
the apostolate of Catholic education in the United States. Ele- 
mentary education was the most pressing need of the moment in 
the parishes of the Northwest, as elsewhere in the land, and this 
need the new American foundation of Dominican Sisters set 
themselves to supply. But it is a remarkable fact that almost 
simultaneously the same group of nuns took up the work of the 
higher education of women. 

Father Mazzuchelli has his place, which Is a distinguished 
one, among the pioneer educational leaders of the Northwest. He 
opened at Sinsinawa Mound in 1846 a school of college grade for 
boys, an astonishing institution to find in an environment which 
still had about it the characteristic ear-marks of the frontier. 
A few years later the same indefatigable promoter of education 
opened, under the auspices of the sisterhood he had founded, St. 
Clara's Academy for young women, an institution which devel- 
oped into St. Clara's College and ultimately into the majestic 
center of instruction in the arts and sciences in which we are 
gathered today. The program of academic service which Rosary 
College is at present carrying out looks back for its inspiration 
to the illustrious Dominican educator v/hose holy memory we 
venerate at this moment. Perhaps his expectations, always lively, 
as suited his ardent and forward-looking temper, did not en- 
visage the impressive development we look upon today ; but cer- 
tain it is that Rosary College does but carry forward the tradi- 


tion of higher education for the Catholic womanhood of America 
which he initiated and even realized in his day on a scale amaz- 
ing enough when one considers the crude material realities of the 
pioneer scene in which his work was done. 

Here is a rapid survey of Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli's life- 
story, a wholly inadequate survey, it is plain, when account is 
taken of the range of achievement it is meant to cover. But in 
any case it may be possible, perhaps, to discern, however dimly, 
through its feeble lines, the commanding figure of a great pio- 
neer priest of the West, who served Church and state with ad- 
mirable devotion and left them both permanently in his debt. 
I have chosen to give Father Mazzuchelli the character of a 
clerical frontiersman and in doing so I am confident I have done 
no violence to the facts. Destiny, which is the Providence of God, 
had made the American frontier the scene of his earthly way- 
faring, the stage of his activities throughout the thirty-four 
years of his priestly career. The nature of those activities, the 
results which they begot, are a patent refutation of the view- 
point, if indeed any be so shortsighted as to hold it in its simple 
crudity, that economic forces alone achieved the making of the 
West. The religious objectives that drew on the famous Domin- 
ican were as concrete, as fertile of worth-while results as the lure 
of free land or any other incentive in the economic order. Rather 
were they more fertile of worth-while results than any merely 
economic objective could possibly have been. They issued in un- 
counted visible tokens of spiritual and religious growth, and 
such tokens are an immeasurably greater gain to a community 
than any degree of merely material growth, however superb it 
be. Among the makers of the West, among the valiant spirits 
that led in the shaping of it to all the noble ends to which these 
United States of America are dedicated, Samuel Charles Mazzu- 
chelli, priest and religious of the great Dominican order, has 
taken secure place, all the more secure that his successes were 
primarily of the supernatural order and such as a man of the 
frontier of his sort might well ambition, for his watchword was 
ever the scriptural one, "we have not here a lasting city but we 
seek one that is to come." 

Gilbert J. Garraghan 

Jesuit Annual Letters in the 
Bancroft Library 

It is a heavenly boon for the historian to have at hand an 
abundance of sources wherefrom he may learn the past and 
truthfully write about it. Because certain of the ancient Roman 
historian Livy's books have been lost, there are certain things we 
shall never know of the development of the ancient Roman re- 
public. Because some writings of Sallust have perished we shall 
always lack complete knowledge of the ancient Roman wars, as 
Sallust described them. Through the ravages of time and de- 
struction of documents, some events have swung forever from 
out of the ken of humans. 

In the modern age letter writing, when it is serious and au- 
thentic, and especially when it is the report of an official or of 
a doer, comprises a very important source of history. How many 
things we would not know, how many colorful pictures would 
be omitted from the screen of history, had the Venetian ambas- 
sadors throughout the courts of modern Europe been less ob- 
serving and less communicative. Of greater importance to Amer- 
ican historians are the reports of the explorer and the mission- 
ary working in the New World after the discovery of the Amer- 
icas. We would know much less about the conquest of Mexico 
did Bernal Diaz del Castillo not write his True History of the 
Conquest; and details of the discovery of the Mississippi would 
have been completely buried in oblivion had not Marquette and 
Joliet handed to posterity reports of their famous river voyage. 
Had the conquistador and the coureur de hois written more often 
we should know more clearly today how the New World was 
opened up ; we should know more about thrilling experiences and 
savage encounters. If a missionary accompanied an explorer, 
which was sometimes the case, the former often left a report. It 
was fortunate for history that Orellana sailing down the Amazon 
had with him the Franciscan friar, Caspar de Carvajal; it was 
good too that when Juan Perez sailed far up the west coast to 
Alaska he took with him Juan Crespi. So Drake had his Fletcher 
and Serra his Palou. 

Fortunately for mission history in the New World, especially 
for Jesuit mission history, the Jesuit missionaries not only wrote 



a great deal, but their writing was organized and official. An 
official report to the Roman headquarters had from the begin- 
ning been a means among the Jesuits of preserving and promot- 
ing a unity of purpose and action which was partly responsible 
for the measure of their success. Soon more casual letter writing 
was crystallized into a system; official reports had to be written 
annually by superiors in each house to the Provincial; each 
Provincial made a brief of these, synthesized the contents into 
one letter, and sent it to Rome. These were the famous annual 
letters, litterae annuae in Latin, cartas anuas in Spanish, fa- 
miliarly referred to in the mission history of the Spaniards as 
the anuas .^ 

In these paragraphs we wish to speak particularly about 
those annual letters which are connected with the history of the 
Jesuit province of New Spain and especially with the missionary 
history of that province. It is with this particular plot of history, 
the North American West, that the Bancroft Library of the Uni- 
versity of California is chiefly concerned, and since the Jesuits 
had some place in the development of the west coast history, 
it is fitting that the Bancroft Library should become a depot of 
Jesuit source material.- Because this reservoir of history has 
recently been deepened and broadened through the interest and 
the vision of Dr. Herbert Eugene Bolton, this article seems 
apropos at the present time. 

The Jesuits in New Spain fell into the general trend of letter 
writing. The superior of each unit (residence, college, or mis- 
sion) of the province sent in yearly a written report of the ac- 
tivities and developments to the Provincial resident in Mexico 
City, in colonial days called simply Mexico. When the permanent 
missions, entre injieles, were founded, the superior of the mis- 
sions sent in his report annually to the Provincial. But as the 
missions spread and the personnel increased, each particular 
missionary working in the wilds, or, as often happened, the 
leader of two working together, sent in to his immediate supe- 
rior a report of his activities. These letters of particular mis- 
sionaries were sent in to the superior of the missions at any 
time during the year, particularly after an entrada, or entrance, 
had been made into some new tribe or district. After the passing 

1 The word is more often spelt annua in the reports. The preferred 
modern usage seems to be anua; but we sometime see it with the tilde, 

2 The writer has been aided in the present study by the work of Dr. 
Marion Reynolds who has arranged and catalogued the anuas. 


of each year, and usually early in spring, the superior of the 
missions synthesized these letters and sent the completed report 
to his Provincial in Mexico City. Often these anuas from the 
missions incorporated whole letters from individual missionaries, 
one or another of which the Provincial, in turn, might incor- 
porate into his own report of the whole province before forward- 
ing it to Rome. The annual letters from New Spain with those 
from every other Provincial of the Old World and of the New 
were ultimately filed away in a central Jesuit archive at Rome. 
Copies of course were kept in the archives of each province. 
Now, late in 1937, through the initiative of Dr. Bolton, photo- 
stat copies of the available anuas of New Spain were sent from 
these central archives to the Bancroft Library. The photostats 
have been enlarged at the University of California to facilitate 
reading and are now available for the research student. 

These anuas from the central archives are not complete, 
though certain series running through many years form a con- 
tinuous story for such and such a period. Beginning with 1573 
the reports go down with breaks to 1763. The longest run is from 
1591 to 1628, though eleven years are missing even here. There 
is a gap of three years after 1576, and of six years after 1584. 
Then there is a large lacuna from 1629 to 1643. With this latter 
year the series begins again, but runs intermittently up to 1653. 
Then the letters fall out for over a century, that is, from 1653 to 
1757 with the sole exception of the years from 1674 to 1680, 
which six years are combined into one narrative. 

Fortunately, there are other collections of anuas besides 
those of the central archives of Europe and these in very impor- 
tant measure supplement, especially for the missions, the central 
archives. First there is the Archivo General y Publico de la Na- 
cion, the official Mexican archives in Mexico City, which among 
documents relating to various departments, such as Historia, 
Provincias Internas, Calif ornias, include also the section entitled 
Misiones, which consists of twenty-seven volumes. Now volumes 
twenty-five and twenty-six of the group labeled Misiones contain 
besides other reports, narratives, and letters, also an important 
collection of those portions of the annual letters which refer to 
the missions, and often they contain the whole anua. When these 
archives contain selections only of the anua they are entitled 
Puntos de Cartas Anuas. These latter represent for the missions 
the original report sent to the Provincial by the general supe- 
rior of the missions or letters of individual missionaries direct 


to the Provincial. The puntos are often therefore more detailed 
than the general anua, except where the former have been incor- 
porated into it. 

We can find in Misiones 25, at least as far as the missions are 
concerned, that group of anuas following 1628 which are miss- 
ing from the central archives. From 1622 to 1647 there is here 
a fine run of anuas with only six years missing from this whole 
period. Then the Misiones 26 carries along from 1645 to 1690 
filling a large gap of the central archives after 1653. But there 
are omissions here too. A decade after 1665 is missing and a 
decade after 1680, besides three other years. Some of these 
which are only puntos contain merely slight reports of some 
particular college and omit the missions altogether. For instance 
there is in this volume 26 nothing about the missions for the 
five anuas from the years 1654 to 1662. But there are compen- 
sations elsewhere, for the puntos of 1653 have a fine report on 
the missions in twenty-six manuscript folios, or fifty-two pages. 
These contain precious statistics from many particular missions ; 
while the puntos de cartas anuas for 1678 contain in fifty-eight 
manuscript folios, or 116 pages, a most thorough and detailed 
report of all the missions of northwest Mexico, made at the 
order of the Provincial as the result of a visitation by Juan 
Ortiz Zapata, Such a document is priceless for the historian. It 
should be remarked about this collection of anuas and puntos de 
cartas anuas from volumes 25 and 26 of the collection Misiones, 
contained in the Archivo General in Mexico City, that they are 
often manuscript copies from originals which are now dispersed 
in various places. Proof of this is that they do not always bear 
the signatures of the Provincial. 

Now from these sets in the Archivo General in Mexico City 
two other copies have been made through the initiative of Dr. 
Bolton and have been acquired by the Bancroft Library. One set 
is an accurately typed copy of these two volumes made by a 
member of the staff of the Archivo ; the other set is a photostat 
copy of these same volumes. With this check of the two sets in 
the Bancroft absolute scientific accuracy can be assured, though 
there cannot always be such check on the scribe who did the first 
copying from the originals. But, when the anuas of the Archivo 
General are compared with photostat copies of the anuas of the 
central archives in Europe, one finds substantial agreement, ex- 
cept for the Latin versions, which are usually abridged. 

There is still another important series in the Bancroft Li- 


brary, which comprises puntos de cartas aniwis, being selections 
from the main anuas of those parts which concern the missions 
of the north and northwest. This is a very legible and very 
beautiful manuscript from a portion of a huge collection of 
copied documents, made in 1790-1792 for Charles IV, king of 
Spain, under the direction of the Franciscan Father Francisco 
Figueroa.^ It is entitled: Memorias para la Historia de la Pro- 
vincia de Sinaloa. It contains a run of the mission anuas of Si- 
naloa from 1593 to 1626 with the omission of only seven years. 
For the missions east of the Sierra Madre it is far from com- 
plete. This set, relative to that of the central archives, covers 
the same period and acts as a complement and vice versa. For 
instance between 1607 and 1626 ten of the years which are want- 
ing to the central archives are contained in the Memorias. While 
on the other hand there are six years between the above dates 
which are missing in the Memorias but are present in the central 
archives. Another manuscript copy of the same documents as are 
contained in the Memorias are in the Bancroft Library under 
the title : Documentos para la Historia de Sinaloa. 

Smaller collections of the anuas duplicate or complete these 
four large series. The most important of these may be found in 
various parts of the well-known printed collection: Documentos 
para la Historia de Mexico. These were taken from the docu- 
ments in the Archivo General in Mexico. Besides seven anuas of 
the earlier years which are a duplication, this printed collec- 
tion adds to all the others the anua of 1668 to be found in the 
third volume of the fourth series, and the anuas from 1742 to 
1751 contained in the fourth volume of this same series. Photo- 
stats from originals in the Newberry Library, Chicago, for the 
years 1615-1617 and two originals for the years 1614 and 1615 
complete the collection of these Jesuits documents and reports 
which find a home in the Bancroft Library of the University of 

Coming now to a comparison and an evaluation of the differ- 
ent sets and copies of the anuas of the Province of New Spain, 
we find that those from the central archives are often in Latin, 
while those of the Archivo General in Mexico City and of the 
Memorias are always in Spanish. For instance, in the central 
archives of Europe in the series from 1573 to 1653 which con- 

3 For a full description and evaluation of these copies, cf. Herbert E. 
Bolton : Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Prin- 
cipal Archives of Mexico, 20 ff . 


tains anuas for forty-one respective years, thirty are in Latin, 
seven are in Spanish, five have both Latin and Spanish versions, 
while two are both in Spanish and Italian. In comparing the 
Latin versions with the Spanish an interesting fact makes its 
appearance: the reports to Rome were first written in Spanish 
and then translated into Latin for the central archives. The re- 
sult is that the Spanish originals are invariably more complete; 
the Latin versions are briefer and more general, in matter if not 
always in style. One can find, however, whole sections where the 
material of the two versions is an exact repetition. This is so 
whether we compare the Latin and Spanish texts of the central 
archives, or whether we compare the Latin of the central ar- 
chives with the Spanish of the Archive General or of the Me- 

The anua of 1615 makes a good subject for comparison. There 
is first the original in Spanish, then a photostat copy in Spanish 
and in Latin respectively from the central archives, then a photo- 
stat copy of a Spanish version in the Newberry Library, Chi- 
cago, and finally the Spanish copy in the Memorias. Of these 
five sets the original is the most complete, while the Latin copy 
is the most summary, being quite abbreviated. The Spanish 
copies of the central archives and of the Newberry Library, dif- 
fering slightly one with the other, are more brief than the orig- 
inal, while that of the Memorias runs word for word with the 
Newberry Library copy. This can be verified if we consult, for 
instance, that portion of the anua of 1615 which has to do with 
the Tepehuan missions. In the anua of 1610, comparing its Span- 
ish text of the central archives with the copy in the Memorias, 
we find the latter an exact copy. In the anua of 1611, comparing 
the Latin text of the central archives, where it treats of the 
Sinaioa missions, v/ith the Spanish copy in the MeTviorias, we 
find that the latter is much more detailed. The Memorias gives 
a letter of Father Pedro Mendez, which is synopsized in the third 
person in the central archives.^ In the Memorias, letters of Fa- 
thers Martin Perez, Pedro de Velasco, and Juan de Gallegos are 
given in whole or in part. These are omitted in the Latin version 
of the central archives and these men are dismissed with a brief 
notice. The Latin version likewise omits the number of infants 
and adults baptized that year in the missions of Sinaioa."^ 

In the central archives of Europe there are three different 

4 Memorias, 437 ff. and Archiv. Cent. S. J., Mex. 14, 604 ff. 

5 Ihid. 


anuas covering the year 1602, the year of a serious revolt among 
the Acaxee Indians in the mountain borders of Sinaloa. There are 
here three Spanish narratives of this revolt. Two of them are 
substantially the same with minor differences, one apparently 
taken from the other. '^ The third is a different and a briefer ac- 
count.^ Comparing the Spanish text of the anua of 1622 in the 
Memorias with the Spanish of the Archivo General we find that 
the former is generally an exact copy of the latter, except for 
the paragraphing.^ 

Let us examine now, as a whole, one particular anua, that of 
1617, of which the Bancroft Library contains two copies, one 
in Latin from the central Jesuit archives, the other in Spanish 
from the Newberry Library. Understanding that the Spanish 
text is more detailed, but substantially the same as the Latin, 
let us see the order of the Latin version.^ First come the reports 
concerning each of the four communities in Mexico beginning 
with the Professed House, and going on to the Colegio Maximo, 
here called Collegium Mexicanum (Colegio de Mexico in the 
Spanish text) , and then speaking respectively of the two sem- 
inaries of San Gregorio and San Ildefonso. Next comes the re- 
port of the college in Puebla, then of the novitiate at Tepot- 
zotlan, then of the college of Oaxaca, and so on, until fourteen 
colleges and houses have been reported on. Then come towards 
the end as is always the case, the reports on the missions, of 
those on the west coast, of the mountains and of those east of 
the Sierra Madre. The reports on the west coast include the mis- 
sions among the Suaqui, Mayo, and Yaqui Indians, who inhab- 
ited the banks of the Fuerte, Mayo, and Yaqui rivers, flowing 
into the Gulf of California, The mountain missions reported on 
are those of Topia and San Andres. Finally come the missions 
of the Tepehuan Indians east of the mountains up to the newly 
mentioned post of Parral. The missions of the flat Laguna coun- 
try, usually reported on, are here omitted. 

The matter contained in the various anuas is often of scien- 
tific value, even though we exclude the reports on the missions, 
which have their own historical significance. Regarding the 
houses and colleges we read that the fathers work zealously for 
the good of souls and that the faithful frequent the Jesuit 
churches and receive the sacraments therein in encouraging 

6 Archiv. Cent. S. J., Mex. 14, 33 ff. and 349 ff. 

7 Ibid., 292 ff. 

8 Memorias, 671 ff., and Archiv. Gen. Misiones, tomo 25, 37 ff. 

9 Archiv. Cent. S. J., Mex. 15, 65 ff. 


numbers. We read of the pomp of certain festive occasions, of a 
public disputation in philosophy, of a great procession on the 
feast of Corpus Christi, of the celebration of the canonization of 
St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier; of the crowds coming to 
hear some eloquent preacher or of his work in various districts 
when he would be sent out on some temporary tour of special 
preaching and devotion. Stories of spiritual edification abound, 
such as miraculous cures, resounding conversions, saintly deaths. 
If a Jesuit has died in a certain house or mission a lengthy ac- 
count of his life and virtues is given in the anua of that year. 

Of far more historical significance, whether we regard the 
political advance of the frontier or the cultural advance of the 
Indians in Christianity and civilization, are those portions of the 
anuas which speak of the affairs of permanent missions, entre 
infieles. Important and numerous portions of the whole history 
of a frontier can be got from these reports beginning with the 
anua of 1591. While the missionaries were most intent upon the 
report of their advance from river to river along the west coast, 
up through the mountains and in the plains to the east, still they 
include from time to time valuable information concerning the 
language and customs of the Indians. For instance, the anua of 
1602 contains a long account of magnificent scientific value on 
the habits of the Acaxee Indians of Sinaloa, the report being 
almost certainly from the pen of Father Hernando Santaren who 
had been working among them for years."' The anua of 1604 
does the same for the Laguneros,^^ and that of 1610 describes 
the habits of the fierce and cannibalistic Xiximes.^- These annals 
make record of thousands of Indians in Sonora baptized within 
the period of a couple of weeks, of perils of the padres from 
river flood or mountain cliff, of wars among the savages them- 
selves, of their revolts against the missionaries and the Span- 
iards and of the reconquests and repressions by Spanish arms. 
The anua of 1609 narrates the events of Captain Hurdaide's de- 
feat at the hands of the Yaqui Indians, ^^ and that of 1616 tells 
the exciting and calamitous details of the famous Tepehuan re- 
volt which gave ten missionary martyrs to the Church besides 
hundreds of other Spaniards." 

One of the Generals of the Jesuits, Father Goswin Nickel, in 

loArchiv. Cent. S. J., Mex. 14, 32 ff. 

11 /bid., 379. 

12 /bid., 584. 

13 /bid., 522. 

14 Newberry Library copy, 72 ff. 


a letter to the Provincial of New Spain dated from Rome, No- 
vember 29, 1653, orders that a synopsis of the anuas be com- 
posed of the reports from 1615 to 1650.^^ He wants a selection 
made of the more important events and directs that they be well 
composed in Latin, with brevity, and with the inclusion as far 
as possible of the names of persons and places. The same direc- 
tion was given to all the provinces. His orders were carried out 
to such effect that we have 487 folios or 974 pages of synopsized 
anuas for the years given above, with the indication on the mar- 
gin of the event narrated. This gives an idea of the vastness of 
the materials. The events of the missions are here emphasized, 
as another General, Mutius Vitelleschi, had directed in a letter 
of October 30, 1640, which he wrote the famous missionary, 
Andres Perez de Ribas, while the latter was Provincial. ^'^ The 
survey from 1615 to 1650 is indeed a synopsis, but not always 
very brief. The anua of 1615, for instance, while it contains in 
its Latin version slightly over ten folios, has for the synopsis 
seven and a half.^" As for the anim of 1616, concerned at length 
with the martyrs of the Tepehuan revolt, the synopsis gives 
seventeen folios to this year, the full anua in the Latin version 
has nineteen folios, while the Spanish fills seventy-two.^^ 

If we now compare the anuas of the province of New Spain 
with those of the province of France, as seen in the Jesuit Rela- 
tions, edited and translated in seventy-one volumes by Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, we find that there is a difference. This, first of 
all, is to be expected. New Spain was a province; Canada was 
only a mission of the provinces of France. The letters from New 
France, therefore, as printed in the Jesuit Relations, are direct 
to the Provincial; whereas the reports in the anuas from New 
Spain have, especially in the Latin versions, been copied or syn- 
opsized by a Provincial or secretary. Anuas are reports of a 
Province, the Jesuit Relations are reports only of a mission. The 
letters from Canada are often longer and more detailed than 
letters found in the general anuas or even often in the puntos 
de cartas anuas, for they often include minute narratives of a 

15 Coleccidn de cartas ineditas de los Padres Generates, Ysleta, Texas. 

16 Ihid. 

IV Archiv. Cent. S. J., Mex. 14, 31-42, and Mex. 15, 350-357. 

IS Ibid., Mex. 15, 360-377 and 44-63; Newberry Library copy, 31-103. 
Allowance must of course be made for larger or smaller script and for the 
natural difference in length for the construction of Latin and Spanish, the 
latter requiring usually more space. There are instances, as in the anua of 
1646-1647 of the central archives (Mex. 15, 172 ff.) where the turgid Latin- 
ity occupies much space in saying very little. 


whole chain of events, such as Father Pierre Briard's account 
to the Jesuit General Aqua viva, dated May 26, 1614, of his ini- 
tial landing in Acadia and of the events which thereafter took 
place.^^ But some of the complete anuas are equal to or even 
exceed in length any single piece of the Jesuit Relations. Father 
Paul Le Jeune's letter to the Provincial in France for 1633 takes 
most of volumes six and seven of the Jesmt Relations. 

Differing again from the anuas, the Jesuit Relations contain 
other letters of a more personal nature, for instance Charles 
Lalemont's letter to Cardinal Richelieu in volume four and that 
of Father Sebastian Rusles to his brother, in volume sixty-seven. 
There are instances, too, in the Jesuit Relations, as was often 
the case in New Spain, where the superior of the missions writ- 
ing to the Provincial, incorporates a letter written in from lake 
or forest to himself. Thus in volume twenty-two reporting for 
the year 1642 Father Barthelemy Vimont writing to Provincial 
Jean Filleau, incorporates a portion of the letter of Father de 
Quen. Of course, the missionaries of New Spain wrote numerous 
personal letters, as may be seen in Dabertzhofer's interesting 
volume, "° in Tanner's biography of the martyrs, ^^ and in the let- 
ters of the Ysleta collection. But these rarely found their way 
into the anuas. 

We conclude, therefore, that a great mass of new source ma- 
terial in history has been added to the already rich possessions 
of the Bancroft Library at the University of California. The 
growth of a frontier of North America can now be more inti- 
mately and more easily traced and whole chapters in the world 
history of civilization here lie in wait for the industry of the 
future historian. Dr. Bolton has been piling up mountains of 
work for those who are still to appear above the horizon of his- 

Peter M. Dunne, S. J. 

19 Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Cleveland, 1896, III and IV. 

20 Chrysostomo Dabertzhofer, Drey Newe Relationes, Augsburg, 1611. 

21 Mathias Tanner : Societas Jesu usque ad sanguinis et vitae profusio- 
nem militans . . ., Prague, 1675. 


The Diary of James M. Doyle 

James M. Doyle was born in Clonegal, County Wexford, Ire- 
land, August 1, 1839, the son of Peter and Ellen McDonnell 
Doyle. He came to America in 1848 with his parents who took 
up residence in Chicago. His education had begun in the national 
schools of Ireland and it was completed in the old Scammon 
School of Chicago and in the University of St. Mary's of the 
Lake. After the beginning of the Civil War he enlisted in the 
23rd Regiment of Illinois Volunteers, which was known as Mul- 
ligan's Brigade. His enlistment was for three years and this he 
served as a private in Company B, afterwards known as Com- 
pany A. This Illinois regiment was made up almost entirely of 
Irishmen from Chicago. In June, 1862, Mulligan led them east 
for their destination at Annapolis, but an order from Secretary 
of War Stanton brought them to a halt at Harper's Ferry.^ They 
were shifted to New Creek, West Virginia, and detailed to hold 
the Railroad District." The activity of the 23rd Illinois Infantry 
was thenceforth confined to the West Virginia and Virginia 
fronts. In the Appomattox campaign of March and April, 1865, 
it was the Second Brigade, Independent Division, of the Twenty- 
Fourth Army Corps.^ 

Private Doyle was appointed clerk in the Quartermaster's De- 
partment by order of James A. Mulligan on June 9, 1864, shortly 
after his division returned from a veterans' furlough, at New 
Creek. In January of the following year he was made second 
lieutenant of Company A at Deep Bottom, Virginia, and on 

1 The War of Rebellion, Series I, Vol. XII, Part III, 408. A short account 
of Colonel Mulligan and his Twenty-third Regiment may be found in John 
Moses and Joseph Kirkland, History of Chicago, Chicago, 1895, I, 183-184. 
Another account of Mulligan and his "Irish Brigade" is in J. Seymour Cur- 
rey, Chicago: Its History and Its Builders, Chicago, 1912, II, 121-123; this 
contains his picture. The gallant Colonel died in battle together with almost 
half his command while opposing an advance of General Early at Kerns- 
town in the Shenandoah valley on July 24, 1864. Mulligan was thirty-four 
years of age when death found him. Says Currey: "No part of the history 
of the Civil War has greater interest for the youth of Chicago and Evans- 
ton than the career of Colonel Mulligan, and there is no hero of that war 
whose memory we can cherish more fittingly on our annual Memorial Days." 

2 The War of Rebellion, loc. cit., 425, 428, 619. 

^Ibid., Series I, Vol. XLVI, 478, 594. Colonel Mulligan was fatally 
wounded in battle. W^hen he fell, Doyle and others helped to carry him 
from the field, but were soon given the famous orders by the dying Colonel : 
"Lay me down, boys, and save the flag." 



March 25, 1865, he became captain when the regiment was at 
Parkersville. His discharge from the service came at Richmond 
on July 24, 1865. In September he was made brevet major ac- 
cording to a sheepskin document signed by President Andrew 
Johnson. The rank was to date from March 13, 1865, and was 
given "For gallant and meritorious services during the campaign 
of 1864 in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia, and in the battles 
before Petersburg, Virginia, in 1865." This was recorded in the 
Adjutant General's Office on September 20, 1866.* 

After his discharge from the Army, Mr. Doyle returned to 
Chicago where he spent the rest of his days. He married Rose 
Donnelly in 1878. Three of the five children born of the union are 
residents of Chicago, Eleanor M. Doyle, Ph. D., Julia M. Doyle, 
and Charles I. Doyle, S. J., Ph. D. The other sons, Leo and James 
are deceased. Mr. Doyle was occupied in the office of the City 
Collector. For years he was chief deputy clerk of the Criminal 
Court. He was justice of the peace by quadrennial appointment 
of the Governors from 1887 until 1908, during which period he 
at times held the office of police magistrate until the present 
municipal court system was established. At the time of the fire 
in Chicago, he and Thomas F. Judge saved the records of St. 
Mary's Cathedral, a deed heretofore unrecorded.^ He was some 
months over seventy when he died, November 18, 1909. 

James M. Doyle kept a diary during his service in the Civil 
War. The diary was divided and written in pencil in a number 
of small memorandum books. The books were kept as family 
treasures with other papers and letters until several years ago 
when a flooded cellar ruined all but the one section printed below. 
This section begins with August 1, 1864, covers items of some 
major engagements, and ends with an entry of December 19. The 
handwriting in pencil is fading in places. The members of Mr. 
Doyle's family have consented to its publication and have sup- 
plied a handwritten copy and points of information incorporated 
above. The diary is important to the study of the activity of a 
group of the Irish people of Chicago during a national crisis. 

Jerome V. Jacobsen 

4 Volume V, 73. 

5 Joseph F. Thompson, "The First Chicago Church Records," Illinois 
Catholic Historical Review, III (April, 1921), 404, writes: "Strange as it 
may seem. Father St. Cyr's parish record is still accessible in spite of the 
fact that every vestige of the Church property connected with the parish 
which Father St. Cyr established (St. Mary's) was destroyed in the great 
Chicago fire of 1871." 



August 1st 1864. Birthday. Started this morning at 5 A. m. 
Marched three miles and camped near Wolfsville, Md. 

August 2nd. Tuesday. Remained this day near Wolfsville, 
Md, Wrote home this day. 

August 3rd. Wednesday. Started this day at 3 A. m. and 
marched through Frederick City to the Monacacy River, a dis- 
tance of 20 miles before dinner. Walked the whole distance and 
camped among the Copperheads, killing three of them. 

Aug. 4th. Thursday. Remained in camp all day, nothing of 
importance occurring. 

Aug. 5th. Friday. General inspection of all of 1st Division. 

Aug. 6th. Saturday. Started at 4 A. m. for Harper's Ferry — 
raining very hard; rained three hours. It afterwards became 
very warm. Very sick this day. Marched over 20 miles. 

[Several pages follow listing bootees, blankets, canteens, etc., 
received and issued to infantrymen.] 

August 7. Remained in camp in Pleasant Valley all day. 

Aug. 8th. Inspection of all the troops of Gen. Crook's com- 
mand this day. Left camp at 3 P. M. and marched to a camp on 
the Shenandoah, three miles south of Harper's Ferry, [Va.]. 
[List of articles received from Lieut. Lannigan.] 

Aug. 9th 1864. Remained in camp on the Banks of the She- 
nandoah this day. 

August 10, 1864. Left camp at 5 A. m. for Berryville, [Va.], 
20 mile. Boil on my knee. Had to ride in ambulance this P. M. 
Very warm. 

August 11th Thursday. Left camp at 5 A. M. and took the 
fields east of Winchester Pike, for about 2 miles when the col- 
umn broke by the right of regts to the rear and marched in this 
position for 4 miles through woods and fields. Heavy artillery 
firing in the direction of Winchester all morning. It was now 
12 M. and we moved by the left flank for seven or eight miles 
outflanking the rebels who were obliged to fall back in conse- 
quence, but as all our movements this day was through corn- 
fields and woods we were all very tired at night. Poor Brandy 
[mule?] got played out this day and was left behind. 

Aug. 12th. Friday. Started at 7 A. m. through woods and 
ravines and marched to Cedar Creek where we camped for din- 
ner at 1 P. M. At 2 : 30 P. m. we started for to take a position. On 
the way the color bearer of the Hdqrs flag of the 2nd Div. was 
shot in the leg by a rebel sharpshooter who must have been at 


least a mile distant. After we got in position Wm. Finucan took 
about 20 canteens for water with the Mule. After being gone 
an hour he returned minus Mule, Hat & Canteens, with the re- 
port that our lines of skirmishers did not connect, and Co. B 
with others from the Brigade were sent out to connect. At about 
7 P. M. our line drove the rebels a mile and held their position. 
After dark we were recalled. Company B's loss : 1 Mule, 20 can- 
teens. My Haversack that I paid 2.50 for, and blankets, coats, 
Coffee Pots, etc., etc. 

Saturday, Aug. 13th 1864. Skirmishing this day between 6th 
and 19th corps and the rebels near Strausburg which is three 
miles in advance of our 18th Corps position. Recaptured the Mule 
etc. this day from the 12th Va. Infantry (Union) . 

Sunday 14th August. Skirmishing to-day with varied suc- 
cess until about 7 P. M. when we drove the rebels and advanced 
our line over a mile. 

Monday 15th August, Feast of the Assumption. Continued 
skirmishing along our whole front this day. About 3 p. m. the 
rebels drove our lines and advanced a Battery and threw about 
a dozen shells into our lines on the extreme right. Our Brigade 
was ordered out to the left to flank the Battery and capture it 
but the rebels smelled a rat and quickly withdrew it. 

Tuesday 16th August. Our Regiment was sent out on picket 
this A. M. and remained out until 12 Midnight when we fell back 
(the balance of the command moving at 8 P. m.) to Winchester 
where we got again at 8 A. m. on 

Wednesday 17 August. We left Winchester at 10 a. m. and 
marched to Berryville, making over 28 miles that we marched 
this day and that without rations. All the barns on line of march 
were burned. 

Thursday 18th August. Left camp at Berryville at 6 A. M. 
and marched 4 miles to meet the train with supplies, then camped 
and reed 3 days rations which should have been issued on 16th 
inst. It rained nearly all day. 

Friday 19th August. Remained in camp near Berryville this 
day. Ordered by Capt. Moriarity to be ready to leave for R R to 
collect Company books and papers belonging to Regt. 

Saturday 20th Aug. Received order from Maj. Gen. Crooks 
to go to Cumberland at 4 P. m. and marching orders at the same 
time. Marched as far as camp near Charlestown and camped 
for the night. 

Sunday 21st August. Made arrangements this a. m. to start 


for Harper's Ferry & New Creek and would have started were 
it not that the whole command were drawn up in line of battle 
at 12 M. when skirmishing commenced and continued until dark, 
the command in the meantime building rail fortifications. At 
11 P. M. received orders to fall back to Halltown where our forces 
occupied a ridge from the Potomac to the Shenandoah. 

Monday 22 August. Our Regiment was sent out as skir- 
mishers this morning at 8 A. m. and remained out until 8 P. m. of 

Tuesday 23 August when we were relieved by the 54th Penn. 
Jas. Moore, Co. A attached to B Co., was wounded the 23rd in 
both thighs. The Reg't lost those two days four men wounded. 
[List of articles received.] During the 22nd and 23rd the com- 
mand was engaged in building breastworks. The p. m. of the 22nd 
a brigade on the left charged the rebels and drove them over 
half a mile. 

Wednesday 24th August. Started at 12 M. for Harper's 
Ferry and reached there half an hour after the train left for 
Bait. Got an order for transportation from Jack Stevenson from 

H. Ferry to Baltimore and then went to see Wat Mc and Jas. 

Moore at the Sandy Hook Hospital. Found both of them doing 
very well. 

[The diary for the following days has brief jottings on 
Doyle's trip. He left Harper's Ferry on August 25, and arrived 
in Baltimore in the evening. He went from Baltimore to Harris- 
burg, then to Pittsburgh, Wheeling, Cumberland, New Creek, 
Cumberland, New Creek, Wheeling, Pittsburgh, Harrisburg, Bal- 
timore, Harper's Ferry. No reason is given for the trip, but sup- 
plies and a straggler's regiment are mentioned.] 

Saturday 17th Sept. Left Harper's Ferry this day at 8 A. M. 
for Summit Point and the Regiment. 

Sunday 18th Sept. Remained in camp at Summit Point this 
day. At 5 p. m. received orders to move but went into camp again. 

Monday 19th September. Moved at 5 A. M. in the direction 
of Winchester along the H. T. & W. R. R., striking the Pike bet. 
Winchester and Berryville at 11 A. m. when we halted for dinner. 
At 12 M. we moved out on the Pike in direction of Winchester. 
Heavy firing to the right and front all morning. At 2 p. m. our 
Brigade was advanced through the woods to the front over the 
ground where the 19th Corps fought in the morning. Our Co. 
was thrown out as skirmishers and in ten minutes the front of 
the line of battle was ch'g'd by a left wheel and the two divisions 
of Crook's Corps and the two of the 19th Corps led by Genl. 


Sheridan in person charged the rebels driving them through and 
beyond Winchester, capturing 5000 prisoners and several guns. 
Loss in killed and wounded very heavy on both sides. Our own 
Regiment lost 4 men killed and eighteen wounded and assisted 
in the capture of 2 Rebel cannons. M. Carney of B slightly 
wounded in foot. 

Tuesday 20th September. Followed up this day to Cedar 
Creek. Citizens on road report the rebels demoralized and re- 
treating in haste. At 7 p. m. changed position from right to left 
of the Pike. Ordered to keep very quiet and no fires to be built. 

Wednesday 21st Sept. Remained in the woods all day, our 
corps being concealed for reasons which will be made known 
hereafter. At 8 P. m. received orders to move and done so to West 
side of Pike and advanced about two miles to the right on Pike, 
where we went into camp for the night. 

Thursday 22nd Sept. 1864. The following is Genl. Sheridan's 
report of this day's operations sent to Genl. Grant at 11:30 P. M. 
"Sir, I have the honor to report that I achieved a most signal 
victory over Early at Fisher's Hill today. After a deal of ma- 
nuevering during the day Crook's Com'd was sent to the extreme 
right of the line on North Mt. and he furiously attacked the left 
of the enemy's line, carrying everything before him. While Crook 
was driving the enemy in great confusion & sweeping down be- 
hind his breastworks, the 6th and 19th corps attacked the works 
in front and the whole Rebel Army appeared to be broken up, 
flying in the utmost confusion. We captured 16 pes arty and a 
great many Cassions, horses, etc. I can't say how many prison- 
ers. Flags, etc., is captured, but darkness only saved the whole 
of Early's Army from destruction." John Creed of D Co. cap- 
tured a rebel flag, also one of 10th & 11th Va. Of our own Brig. 
Jas. Ryan & M. Kelly wounded. Splendid charge of myself Sergt 
O'Herrin & twelve of the I. B. on a battery. Every man of the 
whole command went [word obscure] on his own hook to-day. 

Friday 23rd Sept. 1864. This morning the command is scat- 
tered yet. At daylight the part of our Brig, with which I was 
started back toward Strausburg went about one mile and halted, 
when the balance of the command coming up it was there halted 
and we gathered together our glorious little I. B., details sent for 
K. S. H. S. etc. Beef issued and about 10 A. m. we started for 
Woodstock [Va.] where four days rations were issued and we 
camped for the night. 

The Cavalry 6th and 19th Corps continued on this day and 


sent back about 1000 prisoners which had been captured by them 
and several pieces of artillery. On the pike as we came along 
today we found the ruins of several rebel wagons which had to 
be burned by them in their skedaddle, also numbers of small 
arms, accoutrements, etc. 

Saturday 24th September. Started from Woodstock at 

6 A. M. and marched to New Market where we arrived at 6 P. m. 
and went into camp. Today an occasional arty shot is heard to 
hasten the retreat of the rebels. Passed several good positions 
that the rebs might have availed themselves of if not utterly 
demoralized. Everything tends to show that Early's Army is 
used up, he having lost within the last six days more than one 
half of his army, while the balance is nothing but an armed mob. 

Sunday 25th Sept. 1864. This day we left New Market at 

7 A. M. and marched to Harrisonburg where we went into camp 
at 6 P. M. Several Union prisoners in hospital here were released 

[The next week was spent in camp at Harrisonburg.] 

Sunday Oct. 2nd 1864. Wagon trains came up this A. m. 
bringing me three letters from home. Went through Company 
inspection. Cannonading heard in a southerly direction. 

At 2 p. M. ordered to fall in with muskets and accoutrements 
and haversacks & canteens. Remained in line over an hour and 
then went into camp again. This move was occasioned by the fir- 
ing in front near Dayton, [Va.] where the rebels attacked our 
forage train but were driven off by our Cavalry capturing 200 

Monday Oct. 3rd. Received orders to move at 5 A. M. And 
[words obscure] in readiness [words obscure] until 1 P. M. when 
we were ordered to go into camp again. 

Tuesday 4th Oct. 1864. Moved camp today and commenced 
drill. [Words obscure.] Dress parade [words obscure] camp. 

Wednesday 5th Oct. 1864. Drill & Dress Parade today in 
camp. 10 p. M. received order to move at 5 a. m. tomorrow. 

Thursday 6th Oct. 1864. Left camp south of Harrisonburg 
at 6 A. M. and marched to near Mt. Jackson without stopping for 
dinner. Distance 26 miles. 6th and 19th Corps in advance of ours 
met a train of 800 wagons at Mt. Jackson and issued three days 

Friday 7th Oct. 1864. Started at 7 A. m. and marched to near 
Woodstock without stopping for dinner. We were part of a guard 
of over twenty miles of Wagon train. Part of our forces crossed 


this morning into the [word obscure] Valley. Distance today 17 

Saturday October 8, 1864. Left camp near Woodstock at 
7 A. M. this morning and stopped for dinner at Signal Hill. Then 
moved down to rebel works on Fisher's Hill and went into camp 
for the night, which was very windy and cold. This day we had 
hail, rain & snow. The Rebel Cavalry charged our Rear guard 
through Woodstock about 3 p. m. Sharp Cav. skirmishing and 
cannonading until dark. 

Sunday October 9th 1864. Early this morning skirmishing 
commenced between Two Divsns of Rebel Cav. & Mtd Infty and 
our Cav. About 9 A. m. our cavalry charged the rebels through 
Woodstock and to New Market driving them Pell Mell before 
them and capturing eleven of their twelve pieces of artillery, a 
wagon train & ambulance and several hundred prisoners. At 
2 P. M. our Brigade moved out to about 3 miles beyond Signal 
Hill and at dark returned to Signal Hill. Our Regiment being 
sent out on picket. Very heavy frost tonight. 

Monday Oct. 10th 1864. Remained on picket all this day and 
until 5 A. M. on 

Tuesday Oct. 11th 1864 when Crooks corps moved back to 
Cedar Creek, the 6th and 19th corps having gone toward Win- 
chester yesterday. 

Wednesday Oct. 12th 1864. Remained in camp near Cedar 
Creek this day & commenced drill & Dress Parade. Wrote home 
today and also got two letters from home. Capt. Wallace, Lt. 
Fletcher & M. Girr returned to Battalion on last night. Weather 
very cold and disagreeable for this season of the year. 

Thursday Oct. 13th. At about 1:30 p.m. a rebel Battery 
south of Cedar Creek opened and commenced throwing shells 
into the camp of our Brigade which was formed in line in a few 
minutes when it moved to the right about one-fourth of a mile. 
When our Batt[alion] was ordered to report at Hdqrs of Genl. 
Sheridan from whence we were sent to guard a herd of cattle in 
the rear. 

Thursday Oct. 13th 1864. At 10 p. m. received orders to pro- 
ceed to Martinsburg with the cattle and herd them until further 
orders and started immediately, reaching Winchester at 3 A. m. 
Oct. 14th. Just after leaving the Brigade, it and the 1st of Divi- 
sion became hotly engaged with the enemy, losing several killed 
& wounded. Heavy firing along the line until dark. 

Friday Oct. 14th 1864. Started with herd of cattle from 


Winchester at 7 A. m. and came to Daskesville where we halted 
for dinner and then proceeded to Martinsburg reaching there at 
6 P. M, after marching 38 miles in 19 M> hours, Mosby on our 
track all this day but afraid to attack us. 

Saturday, Oct. 15th. Co B detailed to guard herd today, 
nothing reliable from the front of Sheridan's army which is still 
at Cedar Creek confronting the enemy. Large train escorted by 
the 2nd Brigade left for the front to-day. 

Sunday, Oct. 16th 1864. Remained in camp near Martins- 
burg today. Wrote home. 

Monday Oct. 17th 1864. Cos B, F, & G detailed to guard herd 
to Wmsport and perhaps to Penn. I remained behind to work on 
the Company records. Received clothing from Lt. Quirk for 
det'ch't of Co B left behind. 

Tuesday Oct. 18th 1864. Awaked this A. m. at 4 oclock by 
revielle and found all of the Batt. present were ordered to escort 
train to front at 6 A. m. and moved out accordingly. Genl. Sheri- 
dan and escort passed us two miles out from Martinsburg on his 
way to the front. Got to Winchester at 7 p. m. and camped for 
the night. 

Wednesday Oct 19th 1864. Awakened this A. M. before day- 
light by heavy firing in the direction of Cedar Creek. At 7 A. M. 
train started out escorted by 2nd Brigade. Shortly after Genl. 
Sheridan and escort passed to the front and ordered train back 
to camp. There is evidently a heavy battle in progress. Strag- 
glers are beginning to arrive now at 10 A. m. and report a sur- 
prise to our Division before daybreak & capture of our artillery 
and the arms stacked in rear of breastworks and a great number 
of prisoners. All the trains in this vicinity ready to move. Later 
reports show that after Crook's corps were driven, the 6th and 
19th Corps extended their lines and after a hard fought battle 
regained in the p. m. all the ground lost in the A. m., recapturing 
our artillery & capturing many prisoners, some reports setting 
the number as high as 7000. Later & fuller reports show that 
Sheridan captured today over 3000 prisoners and 57 pieces of 
arty., 297 wagons & a large train of ambulances in this days 
engagement. Bully for Sheridan Hurrah for Sheridan God 
bless Sheridan And may it be ever thus with him. 

Thursday Oct. 20th 1864. At 1 p. m. started for the front as 
escort to 1st Div., train arriving there at 8 p. m. Newtown and 
Middletown as we passed through we found were filled with the 
wounded of both armies. Capt. A. J. McGonigle, Act. Chf. q. m. 


on Sheridan's Staff was severely wounded and Col. Shoburn 
killed in yesterdays fight. 

Friday Oct. 21st. In camp at Cedar Creek. 

Saturday Oct. 22nd. In camp at Cedar Creek. Cos B & F 
rejoined the Battalion. 

Sunday 23rd Oct. 1864. Went on picket and remained out 
2 days then went into camp near picket lines where we remained 
until 31st, Capt. Simison receiving his commission as Lt. Col. 
in the meantime. 

October 31st 1864. 3rd Brigade went on reconnaisance as 
far as Woodstock today. No sign of the enemy except a few 
guerillas who followed up on our return to camp where we ar- 
rived at 7 P. M. We have been expecting the paymaster for some 
days back. 

Nov. 1st to 9th 1864. Remained in camp at Cedar Creek 
during this time. On the 8th some of the soldiers voted for Presi- 
dent of U. S. all passing off quietly. 

Nov. 10th 1864. The army moved back to-day to near 
Kearnstown and went into camp. 

Nov. 11th, 12th, & 13th 1864. In camp near Kearnstown. 

Nov. 14th. Received orders from Div. Hdqrs to report to 
Capt. J. Ames A. Q. M. for duty. 

Nov. 15th to 24 1864. On duty in Q. M. Dept. near Kearns- 
town Va. during this time. 

Nov. 25th 1864. Thanksgiving, plenty of poultry. Capt. 
Ames roasted turkeys on spit. 

Nov. 26th to Dec. 18th 1864. Still in camp near Kearns- 
town, Va. On the p. m. of Dec 18th Division reed orders to move 
on the morning of 19th to Wash, and report to Maj. Genl. 
Halleck, Chf. of Staff. 

Dec. 19th 1864. Division left for Wash. City today taking 
cars at Stevensons Depot. Capt. Ames reed orders to remain be- 
hind in charge of transportation of Div. Transportation moved 
to Depot tonight and ordered to remain there and await orders. 

[On the discharge papers appears a list of engagements in 
which James Doyle participated as a member of the 23rd Illinois 
Volunteer Infantry from June 1, 1864, when it returned from 
veteran furlough until the surrender of Lee.] 

Dec. 29th '64, joined Army of James in front of Richmond. 

Jan. '65 to March 25 in defences of Bermuda 100. In March 
Lt. Col. Simison returned to Illinois to have Regt. filled, leaving 
Capt. P. M. Ryan in command. 


On March 31st & April 1st at Hatchers Run, April 2nd as- 
sault & capture of Fort Gregg in front of Petersburg. 
April [6 or 7] High Bridge. 
April 9th Surrender of Lee. 

Notes and Comment 


Before astronomers found better means, the most accurate method 
for determining the distance from the earth to the sun and the sun's 
parallax was the observation of the transits of the two inferior 
planets, Mercury and Venus, over the solar disk. These phenomena, 
especially the central transits, are few, and were previously eagerly 
expected by astronomers the world over. The transits of Mercury at 
the same node are rare. The last one occurred May 10, 1937. The 
transits of Venus, due to the inclination of its orbit and the apparent 
radius of the sun, are rarer still ; the next one is due to occur June 8, 
2004. The earliest transit of Venus was observed by two persons only, 
Horrocks and Crabtree, in England, November 24, 1769, O. S. Since 
then four other transits have occurred, in June, 1761 and 1769, and 
in December, 1874 and 1882; for transits come in pairs at present 
and have been doing so for several centuries ; but, astronomers teach, 
after a time this will cease to be true and transits will become solitary 
for a long period. The transits of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- 
turies were extensively observed by scientific expeditions sent out by 
the different governments to all parts of the world where they were 
visible. The transits of 1769 and 1882 were visible in the United 
States. One of the best locations for observation of that of 1769 was 
Lower California, then Spanish dominion, whither the government 
determined to send astronomers. The scientists who were to make the 
observations were already chosen in 1766. The leader of the expedition 
was to be Father Roger Joseph Boscovich, a Dalmatian-born Jesuit, 
internationally known among astronomers. Another Jesuit whose 
name is not given, was to be his companion. The special permission to 
proceed to California had been granted by the King of Spain in the 
summer of 1766, for Boscovich was not a Spanish subject. Everybody 
knows what took place the following year, 1767. Charles III expelled 
all Jesuits from his lands. 

Scientists were wondering whether His Catholic Majesty would 
allow a Jesuit to re-enter his dominions. Among astronomers, James 
Douglas, Earl of Morton, then president of the Royal Society of Lon- 
don, wanted to know well ahead of time what the decision of Charles 
III was to be. For the year past, he had taken an active part in the 
preparations to observe the transit of Venus in 1769, and he had re- 
solved that, if it depended on him, the "several circumstances which 
conspired to make the observations of the transit of Venus of 1761 
unsatisfactory" would not occur again. Under his impulse, as early as 



June, 1766, the Council of the Royal Society "resolved on using the 
most active exertions to engage competent observers." A petition for 
a subsidy of 4,000 pounds was sent to the King, since the budget of 
the Society was in no condition to defray the expense of the several 
English expeditions to Spitzbergen, to Fort Churchill, Hudson Bay, 
and to "any place not exceeding 30 degrees of Southern latitude, and 
between the 140th and 180th of longitude west" of Greenwich. The 
petition emphasized the necessity of observing accurately the phenom- 
enon in proper places, for the observations would "contribute greatly 
to the improvement of Astronomy, on which Navigation so much 

National pride was also played upon to determine George III to 
grant the desired subsidy. The petition states that "the British nation 
has been justly celebrated in the learned world for their knowledge 
of Astronomy in which they are inferior to no nation upon earth, 
ancient or modern; and it would cast dishonor upon them should they 
neglect to have correct observations made of this important phenom- 
enon." The subsidy was granted (C. R. Weld, A History of the Royal 
Society, London, 1848, II, 32 pp.). 

Interested as Morton was, it can easily be understood why he 
wanted to know what the Spanish Court would decide about Father 
Boscovich. The Jesuit had acquired European fame by "a number of 
excellent astronomical and mathematical dissertations. In 1750, as- 
sisted by his brother Jesuit, Father [Christopher] Maire, he conducted 
the measurement of a degree in the ecclesiastical State. And through 
his influence with the ministers of other courts, it is said that he pro- 
cured to be made similar measurements, by Liesganing in Austria and 
Hungary, by Becaria in Piedmont, and even by Mason and Dixon in 
America" (The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of 
London, London, 1809, XI, 500, note. Cf. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque 
des ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jesus, I, col. 1828-1829). Father 
Boscovich's scientific achievements had earned for him the coveted 
honor of being elected a fellow of the London Royal Society. (See the 
preface, IX, to the English translation of Boscovich's book Theoria 
Philosophiae Naturalis, Chicago, 1922). He was then well-known to 
Morton. The Englishman, it appears, had no great respect for the 
Spanish astronomers of that time. If, as was most probable, Boscovich 
refused to go to a country whence his brethren had been expelled 
because they were Jesuits, perhaps English astronomers might be al- 
lowed by the Spanish Court to proceed to California and observe the 
transit. Consequently six weeks after the expulsion of the Jesuits 
from Spain and the Spanish dominions, Morton wrote to Prince Masse- 
rano, the Spanish ambassador in London: 

The letter with which Your Excellency honored me last summer noti- 
fied me that, by the gracious permission of His Catholic Majesty, Father 


Boscovich and a companion, Jesuit also, had been allowed to go to 
California to observe the transit of Venus which will take place June 3, 
1769. This phenomenon will not occur again for more than one hundred 
years. Your Excellency added that these two observers would go to Cali- 
fornia on a Spanish ship and that it was the intention of His Catholic Maj- 
esty to have the two Jesuits accompanied by a few of his subjects as mem- 
bers of the expedition to help in the observations to be made. 

But after the decision taken by your Court with regard to the Jesuits, 
I consider the voyage of Father Boscovich impracticable; for, even if His 
Catholic Majesty were kind enough to grant leave to this particular Father, 
I doubt whether the General of his Order would consent to let him go, and 
even supposing that he would, I have reasons to believe that, in the present 
circumstances. Father Boscovich himself would not agree to undertake the 

In view of this, I beg Your Excellency kindly to ask your sovereign 
whether he would deign to allow two of our astronomers, delegated by the 
Royal Society, and each one accompanied by an English or foreign servant, 
to go to California to make this important, and, in a way, unique obser- 

Since the intention of His Catholic Majesty was that the astron- 
omers should travel under the Spanish flag and since some Spaniards 
were to accompany the scientists, Morton asked the ambassador to be 
informed on several important points. First, will the King of Spain 
pay for the foreigners' passage from Cadiz to where the observations 
are to be made? Second, is there in Lower California some town or 
village where workmen sufficiently skilled to build an "observatory" 
can be found? Or might not a town or village with the same facilities 
be found ten, twelve, or fifteen degrees farther north? (Roughly, in 
modern terms: in Gilah Country, in the Navajo Indian Reservation, 
Arizona, and in Grand County, Utah, respectively.) Are there soldiers 
in these places to protect the astronomers from molestation by the 
natives ? Will the astronomers to be sent by His Catholic Majesty have 
their own instruments ? It would be of the greatest usefulness, Morton 
explained, if they had a set of instruments of their own, so as to 
enable different persons at the same place to observe the transit, and 
since the most accurate astronomical instruments are made in Lon- 
don, should His Catholic Majesty give the necessary orders they could 
be constructed for 137 guineas. Finally, it is essential to know if, in 
June, the weather is fair or rainy toward the tip of Lower California, 
and also the prevalent weather at that time of the year, ten or twelve 
degrees farther north. The president of the Royal Society ends his 
letter saying: "The coming phenomenon will furnish the best means 
to determine with accuracy the parallax of the sun, and thus it is 
extremely important, both for astronomy and for navigation, that it 
be exactly observed. I have the honor to be with the deepest respect. 
Prince, of Your Excellency, the most humble and most obedient serv- 
ant. (Signed) Morton, Brook Str. May 17, 1767." (Archivo General de 


Indias, Seville, Audiencia de Guadalajara^ Expedientes Diarios, Annos 
1766 A 1733, 104-1-7, n. 6; transcript in the Bancroft Library, Uni- 
versity of California, Berkeley, California.) 

The Spanish ambassador in London forwarded Morton's letter to 
Madrid. It was handed to the Council July 9, and, as it was written in 
French, they sent it to the translators. Four days later a provisional 
answer was sent to Masserano, telling him to wait for the King's deci- 
sion, and notifying him that instruments had already been bought for 
the Spaniards to be appointed for the expedition. When the translated 
letter was returned to the Council, the Fiscal of Castille was far from 
pleased with Masserano and Morton. It was perfectly clear, he argued, 
what the English are after. They have been anxiously casting about 
for some pretext to gratify their long standing desire to gain admit- 
tance in His Majesty's dominions in America. 

They want to draw plans of the bays and ports, to inspect presidios 
and fortresses, with the view of making use of the knowledge thus 
acquired as soon as there is a war between their country and Spain. 
In brief, under the plea of a scientific expedition, they want to send 
spies to Mexico, And in time of peace, all they have in mind is to 
promote illicit commerce between their country and the colonies to 
the detriment of the state, of the royal treasury, and of the colonists 

What is amazing enough, continues the Fiscal, is that the Prince 
of Masserano did not immediately reject a proposal against which 
there are so many laws, cedulas, and ordinances, which have been 
issued ever since the discovery of America. These regulations abso- 
lutely forbid foreigners to go to the colonies, because all that can be 
expected from them is disturbance of the peace, peril for religion, and 
corruption of the morals of the people. Masserano must have lost sight 
of those laws; and the Fiscal magnanimously excuses this slip of the 
ambassador. But a greater cause of amazement is that the letter of 
Morton should have been as much as forwarded to Madrid, since it 
contains the following passage: "The General of the Society [of 
Jesus] would not grant permission to Father Boscovich to go to Cali- 
fornia, even if His Majesty were not to object to the astronomer using 
the leave he formerly granted." Did not Masserano realize how im- 
proper such statements were in the present circumstances? "At the 
same time, that letter is gravely injurious to the Spanish nation, for 
it supposes that there are no astronomers in Spain, whereas there is 
no lack of good mathematicians who can make the observations as 
well as the English." 

There are workmen, carpenters and smiths, and good ones too, in 
the south of Lower California, as well as in the north. The Fiscal's 
proof consists in the list of the Jesuit missions, singling out Loreto 
and San Ignacio, and those founded in 1719 and the following years 
by Fathers Guillen and Ugarte. The government does not intend to 


deprive the colonists of an occasion of making some money. All that 
is necessary for the expedition which can be made in California will be 
made there, and the astronomical instruments will be constructed in 
Spain. Hence no permission will be given to the English astronomers. 
Masserano might just as well tell Morton that such a leave will never 
be granted. Moreover, the viceroy of Mexico must be warned and re- 
minded of the ordinances forbidding the admission of foreigners in 
the dominions of His Majesty; there is always danger that some may 
even try to smuggle themselves in; a closer watch than ever must be 
exercised over the ports and bays of New Spain. My Lord Morton 
must also be told that good astronomers and mathematicians are not 
lacking in Spain. If it is useful for the commonwealth, and if thereby 
some honor may accrue to the nation. His Majesty will give the neces- 
sary orders that two or three Spaniards be sent to California to ob- 
serve the transit of the planet. These scientists will be supplied with 
the instruments and all that is necessary for the expedition (Archivo 
General de Indias, ut supra). 

It does not seem that Morton had so grievously offended the Span- 
ish nation by proposing that English astronomers be sent to Cali- 
fornia instead of Father Boscovich, for, when the time came, the head 
of the expedition was not a Spaniard but a Frenchman, who was 
accompanied by three of his compatriots, Pauly, an engineer and a 
geographer, Noel, the draughtsman, and Dubois, a watchmaker to re- 
pair the instruments. Two Spanish naval officers "and astronomers to 
His Catholic Majesty" (A Voyage to California, 8), Don Salvador de 
Medina and Don Vizente Doz (AGI, Seville, Aud. Guadalajara, 1768- 
1772, 104-3-3, Croix to Arriaga), with a few servants were designated 
by Charles III to make up the rest of the expedition. 

The French astronomer was Abbe Jean Chappe d'Auteroche, whose 
relation of his voyage to California was posthumously published in 
Paris in 1772 by Cassini. An English translation and adaptation was 
issued in London in 1778. How Chappe happened to be chosen in the 
place of Father Boscovich has not been fully ascertained. The abbe 
was a prominent astronomer and a trained observer. At the time of 
the previous transit of Venus, in 1761, the Academy of Sciences of 
Paris, of which he was a member, had selected him to go to Tobolsk, 
Siberia, to observe the phenomenon. It must also be remembered that 
the Court of Spain and that of France were at this time on excellent 
terms. Their common opposition to the Jesuits had tightened the 
bonds that united the two governments. It was a good will gesture 
on the part of Charles III to have a French abbe take the place of a 
Dalmatian Jesuit. In the light of what the Fiscal of Castille said, it 
was also a mark of trust on the part of the Spaniards; they felt that 
the Frenchman would not be a spy let loose in His Majesty's domin- 
ions. To forestall all controversy on his return he was told to attend 
to the object of his mission, to make his astronomical observations, 


and to meddle with nothing else (cf. Correspondance du Marquis de 
Croix J Nantes, 1891, 259). The Spanish government was aware of the 
stir created by the book Chappe published after his return from Si- 
beria, and it told him to refrain from saying about Mexico what he 
had said about Russia. 

Chappe left Paris with his three helpers September 18, 1768, and 
arrived in Cadiz, October 17. There he got in touch with Spanish sus- 
picion and red tape. He was told on landing that the permission to go 
to California did not include Pauly, the helper on whom he relied most. 
It needed the direct intervention of the French ambassador in Madrid 
to overcome this difficulty. The French astronomer was beginning to 
fear that the proverbial dilatoriness of the Spaniards would prevent 
his arrival in Lower California in time for the transit. 

They finally set sail, and after a crossing lasting seventy-seven 
days, the party landed at Vera Cruz, March 6, 1769. It was still three 
months before the transit would occur, but they were still far from 
the mission village of San Jose del Cabo in Lower California. A week 
after landing in Vera Cruz, they departed for Mexico City, where they 
arrived on Easter Sunday, March 26. "We were conducted to the house 
of the Jesuits, where a lodging was prepared for us. We had no sooner 
alighted there, but four gentlemen came to conduct us to the palace. 
I am at a loss for words to express the friendship and politeness 
shown us by the Marquis de Croix, Viceroy of Mexico, and by his 
whole court. He left nothing undone to procure us whatever we wished 
for, and to make our stay at Mexico agreeable to us. We had no table 
but his own for the four days we continued in the town ..." (A Voy- 
age to California, 39-40). On March 30, they left Mexico City for San 
Bias. After four days in this port, they sailed, April 19, and reached 
San Jose del Cabo, their destination, one month later. 

A dismal sight greeted the expedition when it landed. An epidemic 
was raging that had already wiped out of existence one-third of the 
inhabitants of the little village. San Lucas, farther south, was said to 
be safe, but Chappe was apprehensive lest by moving at this late date 
he miss the transit or make an imperfect observation. To the sugges- 
tion of the two Spanish naval officers, he declared that he would not 
stir from San Jose. Preparations were feverishly pushed, and by May 
31, Chappe was ready. (Velaz to Croix, July 28, 1769. This and the 
other letters of Velaz to Croix, and Croix to Velaz, quoted below, are 
found in a sheaf of documents entitled Copia Literal del documento 
que obra en el Deposit© Hidrographico de Madrid, Libro C. 3". — Tomo 
I — Californias y Costas NO de America, "Correspondencia entre el 
Ex"" S" Marques de Croix y D° Joaquin Velasquez de Leon hallandose 
este en el R' de S" Ana de California con motivo de la muerte de M' 
Chappe y de lo ocurrido a los sugetos que pasaron a hacer la obser- 
vacion del paso de Venus por el disco Solar en las California en el 
alio 769 &\", transcript in the Bancroft Library. Cf. also A Voyage to 


California, 63-65 ; The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 
of London, XIII, 92.) That day Chappe wrote a letter of thanks to 
Galvez (Chappe to Galvez, May 31, 1769, Galvez Papers, n. 590, in the 
Huntington Library, San Marino, California, cf. Galvez to Croix, July 
13, 1769, ibid., n. 505, and Croix to Galvez, September 12, 1769, ibid., 
n. 429), for help he received from a commissary given by the visitador 
to take care of members of the expedition as much as circumstances 
permitted (Velaz to Croix, July 28, 1769, Copia Literal, etc.). 

Ideal weather prevailed on June 3, and Chappe was overjoyed by 
his observation of the transit. But his happiness was soon dampened 
by the sequel. Two days after the transit, the two Spanish scientists, 
and all of their retinue, eleven attendants, workmen or servants, 
caught the disease on the same day (Velaz to Croix, July 28, 1769, in 
Copia Literal, etc., A Voyage to California, 65). Two of Chappe's 
three companions were near death, and the third very ill. The astron- 
omer was the only one of the expedition immune from the plague. 
There was a medicine chest and some medical books in his baggage, 
and the abbe turned doctor and nurse. He examined the symptoms of 
the disease, consulted his books, and "endeavored to find the proper 
remedies." Then he himself caught the disease. He again consulted 
his books, but finding that what was said by one was contradicted by 
the other, he discarded the books and determined on trying purgatives. 
Two doses of physic made him well enough to observe the eclipse of 
the moon of June 19 (Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse, Vienna, 1887, 
371), but while at the eye-piece of his telescope, he was taken with 
a fainting spell. The time-honored remedy, bleeding, was resorted to, 
but to no avail. In the village of San Jose, three-fourths of the popu- 
lation had died, and the rest had fled in terror. Chappe lingered on 
for six weeks and died August 1 of, ptisi pulmonaria, wrote Velaz to 
Croix, caused by an intermittent fever and the great fatigue resulting 
from his devotedness in the fulfillment of his duties. Before his death, 
he asked that he be buried clad in the Franciscan habit. The last rites 
were performed by Doz and Medina, for the missionary of San Jose 
had long ago succumbed to the disease (Velaz to Croix, July 28 and 
September 28, 1769, in Copia Literal, etc., A Voyage to California, 70). 

It was a bedraggled group that left San Jose for Real de Santa 
Ana, where they arrived at the end of September. Some were still ill, 
others were convalescing, and all were anxious to leave as soon as 
possible. The epidemic had abated at San Jose and at San Lucas, but 
it was still raging at San Ignacio and at Todos Santos. No one caught 
the disease at Real de Santa Ana "except those who have had to pass 
through the infected villages, but they did not die of it, nor did they 
spread it to others. Although there are many sick persons among the 
rest of the population, they only have a benign fever which is called 
Sarampion, and which is easily cured" (Velaz to Croix, September 28, 
1769, in Copia Literal, etc.). 


The casualties were as follows: Doz and Medina recovered from 
the disease, but the latter died in San Bias on his way back to Mexico. 
Eight of the eleven Spanish attendants had died. Dubois, Chappe's 
watchmaker, died in Santa Ana. Of the seventeen members of the ex- 
pedition, only six survived, the three Spanish servants, Noel, the 
French draughtsman, Pauly, the geographer, and Doz. The latter 
reached Madrid in the latter part of 1770. He presented to the King 
an account of his observations, which was forwarded to Masserano. 
The ambassador in turn communicated it to the Royal Society in Lon- 
don (The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 
Xin, 91). Pauly went to Paris, and deposited at the Royal Observa- 
tory the journals and manuscripts of the late Abbe Chappe (Ibid., 92). 
Chappe had made Pauly his executor. The geographer had sold to 
Velaz, the commandant in Santa Ana, all the books and instruments 
taken on the expedition considering them the personal property of the 
astronomer. These, however, as we learn from a letter of Croix to 
Velaz, belonged to the Paris Academy of Sciences, and this body had 
written to the Viceroy demanding they be returned. Croix ordered 
Velaz to pack up the books and instruments, to send them to Guada- 
lajara, whence they were to be shipped to Europe (Croix to Velaz, 
December 12, 1770, in Copia Literal, etc.). 

Jean Delanglez 


The Iowa Journal of History and Politics for July, 1938, published 
a thesis submitted to the University of Chicago for the M. A. degree, 
entitled "The Relation of Historic Indian Tribes to Archeological 
Manifestations in Iowa," by Miss Mildred Mott. As indicated by the 
title, the purpose of this essay is to link pre-history with history. A 
remarkable use is made of manuscript and printed maps to establish 
the connection intended by the author. Miss Mott was aware of the 
small degree of reliability of the extensive cartographical evidence she 
consulted. She writes: "Seldom had the cartographer himself been in 
North America, and unfortunately a map does not give its sources 
beyond a general statement that may appear in the legend." This as- 
sertion is not quite accurate, and a few words might perhaps be said 
about it by way of comment. Miss Mott who is primarily interested in 
archeology does not seem to have consulted the manuscript evidence 
that explains many of the maps she used so skillfully and with such 
gratifying results. The map itself may not give the sources, but often 
the papers, rough sketches, and notes of the cartographer do. This is 
especially true of Delisle. He was indefatigable in copying journals, 
relations, and letters, culling from each data of interest to a geogra- 
pher. These copies are now among his papers, and the sources of his 
maps can be ascertained. The sources of the maps of Jolliet, Mar- 


quette, Lemaire, and Franquelin, can also be ascertained, although 
less fully than in the case of Delisle. The first two went over the 
greatest part of the region described in their maps and relations. 
Lemaire remained on the Gulf Coast, but received information from 
travelers who had been up the Mississippi. Franquelin surveyed the 
Lower St. Lawrence and the New England Coast, but, for his maps of 
the Mississippi Valley until 1675, he got his data from Jolliet and La 
Salle. It would be unreasonable to expect the writer to have protracted 
her work by going back to the sources used for drafting those maps, 
for her essay is primarily concerned with archeology. The above com- 
ments are made only to indicate what should be done for the car- 
tography and the progress of geographical knowledge of the Valley. 

Miss Mott calls attention to another difficulty which she encoun- 
tered. The student wishing to use the numerous manuscript maps of 
the Mississippi Valley, now much more easily consulted thanks to the 
photostats of the Karpinski collection, is forced to evaluate for him- 
self the maps he is using, since "there is practically no critical analy- 
sis of seventeenth and eighteenth century cartography that depicts the 
Mississippi River region." Winsor in C artier to Front enac showed the 
way more than forty years ago; and Karpinski laid the foundation 
for a critical study of the cartography of the Great Lakes Region ; but 
it is evident that much remains to be done especially when one wishes 
to descend to details for a definite area. The enormous amount of 
thankless labor which a detailed critical study of the cartography of 
the Mississippi Valley during the seventeenth and eighteenth century 
would entail, is perhaps the main reason which has deterred historians 
and geographers from undertaking the task. A beginning has been 
made for the Missouri Valley by Father R. H. Hamilton, but only the 
conclusions of this study were published (American Historical Re- 
view, XXXIX, 1934, 645-662). The article of Miss Reed in the Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review, II, 1915-1916, 213-224, is restricted to 
printed maps. The added critical comments are taken mostly from 

A valuable feature of Miss Mott's thesis is the chronological list 
of manuscript and printed maps given in the appendix. Thirteen 
seventeenth-century, seventy-three eighteenth-century, and twelve 
nineteenth-century maps are thus given with title, date, author, and 
the call number of the map when it happens to be a photostat of a 
manuscript map in the Paris archives. A few words are also added 
with regard to the progress made in the geographical knowledge of 
Iowa from one map to another, as well as the relation of subsequent 
maps to preceding ones. 


Book Reviews 

Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519-1936. Edited by Paul J. Folk, 
C. S. C. Volume III, The Mission Era: The Missions at Work, 1131- 
1761. By Carlos E. Castaiieda. Austin, Texas, Von Boeckmann- 
Jones Company, 1938. Pp. 474. $5. 

The half-way mark in the progress of a great project is approached 
with the completion of the present publication. This, the third of the 
seven-volume work, carries the story of the development of the area 
of Texas, as it was known in colonial times, down to the year 1761, 
thirty years beyond the stopping point of its predecessor. Dr. Casta- 
iieda maintains the even and interesting style of his previous books, 
and the publishers continue to set up his narrative in pleasing form. 
The three books on the shelf now loom as a satisfying achievement. 
It is quite a pity that the sponsors of this notable enterprise have not 
quite met with the whole-hearted response they deserve, in particular 
with a ready and large sale, and that they should have to worry at 
all about the ultimate returns. Persons who purchase this set on 
Texas history have no reason to suppose themselves in some fashion, 
donors to a cause; they are not; the volumes are worth the price; 
they were written to be read and they are readably written. 

It was a good move on the part of the author to survey the mis- 
sionary field and the workers in the opening pages and especially to 
incorporate a description of the great Franciscan missionary colleges 
of the Holy Cross of Queretaro, Our Lady of Guadalupe of Zacatecas, 
and San Fernando of Mexico. From these moved the friars regularly 
to the evangelization of the frontiers of Old Mexico. The handicaps 
under which the religious labored are portrayed in a separate chapter 
in detail, but they run through the entire book with changing names 
and places. They were in the main the ever hostile Apaches and un- 
enlightened government officials. The former, like the Iroquois of the 
northern lands, were perpetually attempting by raids to destroy col- 
ony and mission, and with considerable success. Officialdom, working 
in a high-handed manner toward the control of all things, did much to 
disrupt the nascent foundation and to stop the movement toward oc- 
cupation of Texas. Governor Carlos Franquis de Lugo is an example 
of overbearing officialdom, who, single-handed, practically ruined the 
mission establishment before his misdeeds overtook him. Other draw- 
backs were smallpox, lack of food, inadequate funds and military pro- 
tection, poor shelter, and distance from a source of supplies. Patient 
labor was required to stay at the task of building, moving sites, and 
rebuilding, but out of the many hardships and martyrdoms a pattern 
of civilization gradually shaped itself. 



The history of the thirty years of growth in Texas as Dr. Casta- 
neda brings it together is remarkably full of color and detail. Apaches, 
Comanches, Spanish soldiers, governors, friars, colonists, French trad- 
ers, and soldiers, make for great human interest. Pioneers were at 
work and in constant conflict. The borderland conflicts between Indian 
and newcomer, and between Frenchman and Spaniard developed from 
complex desires for empire, for pelf, for souls. The life and death 
struggle was basic to the settlement and development of Texas. 

The author looks upon the missionaries as of first importance and 
the Spanish officials as second. Again, in the affairs of the border con- 
flict between French and Spanish, his viewpoint is taken from the 
documentary evidence of the Spanish ofl!icials and friars. His bibliog- 
raphy of source materials from the Spanish archives is indeed excel- 
lent and ample. The absence of the French evidence inclines to make 
the presentation in its international aspects somewhat one-sided. This 
does not make much difference to the general story, but it gives the 
wrong color to the particularly romantic incident of the elopement of 
Victoria, the little Spanish girl, with d'Herbanne, the French soldier of 
Natchitoches (p. 82-83). The thirteen-year-old daughter of Gonzalez, 
commandant at Los Adaes, made a well-planned escape with the forty- 
year-old d'Herbanne by canoe on Sunday, April 8, 1736. According to 
the Spanish accounts followed, the Jesuit father at Natchitoches offi- 
ciated at the marriage that same evening, and thus acted contrary to 
all regulations in performing the first recorded marriage in the state. 
The French documents reveal that the marriage did not take place 
until July 17, that the banns were published and the consent of both 
persons freely given. The affair caused quite a stir, but was hardly 
the first marriage in Louisiana or Texas. 

The bibliography, mentioned above, runs to twenty-eight pages, 
and the excellent index is of thirty-three pages. Six illustrations and 
a large map complete the work. 

Jerome V. Jacobsen 

Loyola University 

Rapport de VArchiviste de la Province de Quebec pour 1936-1937. By 
Pierre-Georges Roy. Quebec, 1937. Pp. iv+474. 

In a review of the preceding 1935-1936 report of the Archivist of 
the Province of Quebec, published in these pages in July, 1937, the 
present writer expressed the hope that the next report would complete 
the publication of the correspondence of the Abbe de I'lsle Dieu. His 
desires have been gratified to an extent in the Rapport for 1936-1937. 
Owing to the abundance of matter, Mr. Roy has been able to print 
only a part of the remainder of this correspondence, namely, the let- 
ters written by the abbe from June, 1753, to December, 1756, and a 
memorandum of 1758. In the foreword the editor remarks of the pre- 


viously published letters, that "these documents were a revelation for 
most of our readers." And so they were. It is unnecessary to repeat 
what was formerly said with regard to the importance of these letters 
for the ecclesiastical and missionary history of New France in general 
and for the Mississippi Valley in particular. The three and a half years 
covered in this last report were trying years for the vicar-general in 
France for the bishop of Quebec. The jurisdictional difficulties in Lou- 
isiana were becoming acute, and the appeal made by the Capuchins to 
the Parlement of Paris did not conduce to improve the situation or 
to ease the tension. 

The publication would prove still more serviceable, possibly, if the 
provenance of the documents had been given, that is, if the letters are 
found in the Archives of the Colonies, Paris, or in those of the Arch- 
bishopric, Quebec. The letters in the latter archival depot often have 
a marginal index which was not printed, and important omissions 
were noted in the index at the end of the report. Such, however, are 
mere technical details, which would if included render the volume 
more easy to work with. Grateful students will forget the omission 
in view of the abundant documentation made so available. 

A more notable omission is that of the five letters of the abbe for 
the year 1755, all of which are found in Volume 100 of the Corres- 
pondance Generate, Canada, Archives of the Colonies, Paris. These 
letters, it is true, have been printed by Casgrain in Extraits des Ar- 
chives des Minister es de la Marine et de la Guerre, Quebec, 1890, (p. 
180 ff. ) , but a note might have been inserted to warn the student of 
the lacuna. Also omitted is the abbe's Memoire historique of 1756, 
found in Archives of the Colonies, F 5A, 3:237-244. That it was com- 
posed in 1756 is borne out by the title of the document, by what is 
said (f. 243 v): "The Abbe de I'lsle Dieu is passing over in silence 
the complaints made recently against Father Hilaire, who was in 
France last year," that is, in 1755, and finally by the letter of the 
abbe to the Minister, Moras, September 15, 1757, in Archives of the 
Colonies, F 5A, 3:245-245v, wherein the vicar-general, in order to 
acquaint Moras with the situation in Louisiana, says he is sending 
"an historical memoir which was presented on this matter to M. de 
Machault, when he was Minister." The matter referred to was the 
jurisdiction controversy. 

The letters of the Abbe de I'lsle Dieu make up only the last quar- 
ter of the Rapport. Attention has been centered around them in this 
review principally because of their interest to historians of the Mis- 
sissippi Valley. The first section of the Rapport contains the nominal 
censuses of the governments of Montreal and Three Rivers in 1762, 
and the second section, the longest, is the first installment of the in- 
ventory of the correspondence of Mgr. Joseph Signay, 1778-1850, the 
fourteenth bishop and first archbishop of Quebec. The accuracy and 


fullness of this inventory, which is more than a mere calendar, is 
sufficiently vouched for when it is stated that M. I. Caron made it. 

Jean Delanglez 
Loyola University 

Dom Pedro the Magnanimous. By Mary Wilhelmine Williams, Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1937. Pp. xii + 414. 

Great writing demands a great subject. Such a subject is Dom 
Pedro II of Brazil, and Doctor Williams has used her opportunity to 
produce an excellent book. 

The broad story of modern Hispanic America is the formation of 
democratic governments among peoples with no colonial training for 
that experience. The contrast with our United States is strong. Our 
forefathers were thrown on their own resources from the day when 
they decided to abandon their native lands; they met the problems of 
nature and native danger as well as those of development, with 
schemes and forces that they themselves originated ; their training for 
democracy was so solid that there was really no revolution in the 
secession movement from England. In the countries south of us, how- 
ever, idealists attempted to begin democratic regimes with material 
that knew only absolutism ; and the decades of the nineteenth century 
count off failures on every side, — but one. Brazil is the lone exception 
in South America, Her unique narrative bridges the gap from auto- 
cratic Portugal to the present republic with peaceful evolution of po- 
litical life. 

It is no exaggeration to credit Emperor Pedro 11 with a major 
share of this success. The Empire itself furnished a mold wherein 
party life and self-government could unfold, while at the same time 
the state would be secure and a great deal of progressive action would 
prepare society for the events of 1889. The man who was Emperor 
gave the spirit to that action. He dominated without tyranny, in- 
structed without patronizing, guided without subduing lesser souls, 
and deserved altogether the title later given him of "The Magnani- 
mous," His life was as full as his rule was long, and fortunately the 
muse of history has preserved documentary evidence sufficient in mass 
to match his importance. 

Miss Williams gives a brief view of this material in her biblio- 
graphical essay ; her chapters and citations show better how vast it is, 
and how much further study this character will stand. Her work is 
the first worth while study of Pedro II in English, and she will long 
remain the standard guide in the subject. 

It is a task to compose a biography of such a man as Pedro II, 
Literary people would seek the psychological approach and produce 
a much less worthy study; for there is little of the bizarre or abnor- 
mal in this character. The historical approach seems much more ap- 


propriate, and here the Emperor is set into the great stream of the 
Brazilian narrative from 1841 to 1889. His life is told as it fitted into 
that story. He is studied from points of view that mark the great 
movements in that story, movements in which he himself took per- 
sonal leadership: the early resistance to caudillo and military control, 
the strife with England, the Plata and Paraguayan warfare, the slave 
question, the Masonic troubles, the economic, educational, and welfare 
programs that so modified the life of the average Brazilian. 

Miss Williams writes with distinguished superiority to prejudice 
and partisanship. This quality in her connotes both her personal 
knowledge of Hispanic American life — which is full and deep knowl- 
edge — and her unusually broad understanding of mankind. And her 
achievement in this matter is especially striking in view of the in- 
tellectually dangerous subjects treated. Instance the troubles over 
Masonry that so rent the body politic; here she is above the stage 
of assumptions and shibboleths, and she has made a valiant effort 
both to learn the facts and to understand the motives of the actors 
in that drama. Her treatment will scarcely be modified, even though 
it opens the door to much amplification by subsequent writers. In this 
point, and in her general manner of dealing with her subject, she 
could well serve as a model for the instructor in historiography. Fi- 
nally she has brought Pedro II back again to the position he once 
held in American opinion, when on the occasion of his 1876 tour of 
the United States he was acclaimed by the Philadelphia North Amer- 
ican in these words: "No ruler anywhere has, as a ruler or as a man, 
ever deserved so well from the United States as Pedro II." 

W. Eugene Shiels 

Loyola University 

The Journal of Jean Cavelier. Translated and annotated by Jean De- 
langlez, S. J., Ph. D. Chicago, Institute of Jesuit History, 1938. 
Pp. 179. $2.25. 

The Institute of Jesuit History, founded in 1936 at Loyola Univer- 
sity, Chicago, is giving the historical world some extremely important 
and careful studies of the French explorers of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, and of the courage and energy by which the foundations of 
civilization were laid in the Mississippi Valley. The French of that pe- 
riod seem to have been aware of the importance of their efforts and 
to have embodied the accounts of their expeditions in many forms not 
only for their contemporaries but for posterity. Their contemporaries, 
moreover, were keenly interested in every expedition, unlike the Eng- 
lish, who by "judicious neglect" permitted their colonies to grow 
strong and vigorous without constant supervision. 

There resulted, therefore, many separate versions and narratives 
of the explorations in the interior of North America, some of which 


have remained in the French archives to the present day, notwith- 
standing the efforts of Francis Parkman and Pierre Margry in the 
nineteenth century to commit these accounts to print. The especial 
hero of both Parkman and Margry was Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la 
Salle. They admired the boldness of his ventures, the hardihood he 
showed in overcoming difficulties, his apparent success with the abo- 
rigines, and the vastness of his plans for the occupation of central 
North America. They minimized his defects — his overweening vanity 
which became almost a megalomania, his harshness and arbitrary 
treatment of his subordinates, who frequently deserted him and fi- 
nally assassinated him. They forgot that La Salle was a visionary, 
whose ultimate successes were won by his faithful lieutenant, Henry 
de Tonty, and his successor, Pierre Le Moyne, Sieur d'Iberville. 

It has fallen to modern historians to consider La Salle's contribu- 
tions with a more dispassionate and critical view, and to submit the 
numerous narratives of his expeditions to careful comparison as to 
their fidelity and accuracy." Especially La Salle's last tragic expedition 
needs clarifying and the causes of its failure disclosed. 

On the fifteenth of September, 1687, there arrived at Fort St. Louis 
on the Illinois river (now Starved Rock) a group of weary travelers 
from the Southwest. These were Jean Cavelier, La Salle's older 
brother, his young nephew, a Recollect priest, and two followers, one 
of whom was Henri Joutel of Rouen. This party spent the winter at 
the fort, then under the command of Tonty, and left in the spring 
without revealing to anyone at the post the momentous news that La 
Salle had been assassinated in the depth of the Texas forest. The 
reason for this secrecy is supposed to have been Cavelier's desire to 
obtain possession of his brother's property, which would not be his 
if the fact of his death were known. For this expedition there were 
supposed to be three annalists — Cavelier, Father Anastase Douay, and 
Henri Joutel. The first of these as published by Shea stopped before 
the date of La Salle's assassination. Recently another version of Ca- 
velier's narrative was found in the Spanish Archives, sent to Spain 
by a no less renowned person than Baron Lahontan. This is the jour- 
nal printed, for the first time, in this volume. The erudite editor has 
made comparisons of Cavelier's narrative with the other two. He has 
come to the conclusion that Douay's account was also the work of 
Cavelier, that neither is as accurate as that of the honest Joutel; and 
that it was the defects of Cavelier's character that incited the false 
representations. His greed made him deceive Tonty, and moreover, by 
his delay he jeopardized the colonists left behind in Texas, for whom 
relief might have been sent, if the priest had told the truth. The au- 
thor also thinks that Cavelier was probably the author of the pseudo- 
Tonty or the "Dernieres Decouvertes," which Tonty indignantly re- 
pudiated because of its errors and downright falsehoods. Whatever 
the purpose of Cavelier in these untruths, there seems to be no doubt 


that it had its source in propaganda and in his aim to secure more 
than was due his brother's fame. 

Dr. Delanglez has in this volume given a very accurate translation 
of the Cavelier narrative, whereof the French appears on one page 
and the English on the opposite. Even more valuable are his critical 
introduction and his notes whereby he has revealed Jean Cavelier's 
turpitude and exonerated Father Anastase Douay from his supposed 
misrepresentations. He proves that Joutel's is the only trustworthy 
narrative of the events of La Salle's ill-fated undertaking to establish 
a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. He also shows that Joutel's 
account of the assassination of La Salle is more accurate, while more 
brutal than that of Cavelier who gives the victim time to make con- 
fession to the priest, whereas "he did not have time to say even one 
word" is the true statement. Lastly, the editor traces the last years of 
Cavelier's life when "failing to interest the French Court in a new 
expedition he retired to the house of a relative in Rouen, where he 
died rich at the age of eighty-six years, November 24, 1722." 

The volume is attractively printed and bound, has a good bibliog- 
raphy and index. It is a credit to both the editor and the Institute 
which he represents. 

Louise Phelps Kellogg 


Theodore Edward Treutlein, Ph. D., is on the professorial 
staff of the Social Science Department of San Francisco State 
College, San Francisco, California. 

Peter M. Dunne, S. J., Ph. D., is in the Department of History 
at the University of San Francisco, San Francisco, California. 

Gilbert J. Garraghan, S. J., Ph. D., senior research professor 
at Loyola University, Chicago, is ivell known to the readers of 
this publication. 

Jerome V. Jacobsen, S. J., Ph. D., is editor of Mm- America. 

Jean Delanglez, S. J., Ph. D., assistant professor in research 
at Loyola University, Chicago, is well knoton for his recent schol- 
arly contributions to the history of the Mississippi Valley. 





Names of contributors are in small capitals; titles of articles in this 
vohim,e are in quotation m,arks; titles of books and periodicals reviewed or 
m,entioned are in italics. Book reviews are entered under author and title 
of book, and under the name of the reviewer; no entries are m,ade for the 
subject of the book except in the case of biographies. The following abbre- 
viations are used.- tr., translator; ed., editor; revs., reviews; revd., reviewed. 
Clerical titles and titles of honor are found only when the forename is 

Academy of Political Science, meet- 
ing of noted, 65-66 

Acaxee Indians, 5-6 

Acevedo, Gasper de Zufiiga y, 7 

"Account of the First Jesuit Mis- 
sionary Journey across the Plains 
to Santa Fe," ed. by J. M. EsPi- 
NOSA, 51-62 

Adler, Mortimer J., 8t. 'Thomas and 
the Gentiles, revd., 224-25 

Agreda, Sdnchez y, 94-95 

Agustinillo, 12-13 

Alegre, Francisco Javier, 4, 81, 86, 
93, 95 

American Historical Association, 
meeting of Pacific branch noted, 

The Am,erican Historical Review, 
contributions of noted, 136 

American Newspapers, 1821-1936, A 
Union List of Files Available in 
the United States and Canada, 
publication of noted, 136 

Ames, Captain J., 282 

And Then the Storm, by Sister M. 
Monica, revd., 74-75 

Antonini, Alfredo, 24 

Aquaviva, Jesuit General, 272 

Aranda, Conde de, 245 

Archivum, Historicum Societatis 
Jesu, contents of noted, 211 

Archivo Nacional de Mexico, 265 

Arkansas River, 57 

Arranegui, Joseph de, 108, 110, 111, 
123, 124, 129 

Astronomical Expedition to Lower 
California, noted, 284 

Avila, Alonzo de, 7 

Avila, Diego de, 4, 6, 7, 11 

Ayerve, Florian de, 89 

Badin, Stephen Theodore, 38, 103, 
105, 167 

Baegert, Jacob J., 151-63, 240-41 

Baltimore, Lord, 55 

Baltimore, Maryland, 55 

Bancroft Library, 264-67, 269, 272 

Barbier, Pierre, 17 

Baraga, Father, 260 

Baumann, R., 25 

Bax, Father, 172 

Beam, Harry P., 22 

Beasoain, Don Joseph de, 110, 111, 
118, 123, 124, 129 

Beckx, Peter J., 51, 53, 98 

Behrendt, Leo, 22 

Bennett, James O'Donnell, 35 

Bianchi, Rafael, 53, 98-99 

Bibliographies in American History, 
contents of noted, 137 

Bibliography, Catholic Church on 
Oklahoma Frontier, 186-207 

Bischoff, Javier, 160 

Black Forest, contents of noted, 209 

Bolton, Herbert Eugene, 24, 155, 
264-66, 272 

Bonifaz, Luis, 89-90 

Boscovich, Roger, 284-88 

Boyd, William Kenneth, death of 
noted, 213 

Braun, Father, 54 

Brebner, John Bartlet, The Explor- 
ers of North America, lJf92-1806, 
revd., 144-45 

Breuer, Joannes, 249 

Briard, Pierre, 272 

Brothers of the Christian Doctrine, 

Brown, Prentice M., 22 

Brun, Father, 52, (see Braun) 

Bulletin of the Institute of Histor- 
ical Research, contents of noted, 

Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, 
175, 179-80 

Burke, Joseph, 25 




Burriel, Andres Marcos, 152, 154, 
157, 158, 162 

Butler, Eugene J., 21 

Caedren, C. C, 25 

Cahiers de Politique Etrangdre, con- 
tents of noted, 132 

Calder6n, Father, 91, 128 

Calder6n, Francisco, 128 

California, mission work in Lower, 

Callan, Louise, The Society of the 
Sacred Heart in North America, 
revd., 143-44 

Carmichael, Daniel, 47 

Carrafa, Vincent, 90 

Carranco, Father, 160 

Carriere, J. M., Tales from the 
French Folk-lore of Missouri, 
revd., 142-43 

Carroll, John, 55 

Carty, Mother Praxedes, 50 

Cdrvajal, Caspar de, 263 

Caso, Prisco, 53, 98 

Castafieda, Carlos E., 107; Our 
Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519- 
1936, Vol. Ill, revd., 293-94 

Castillo, Bernal Diaz del, 263 

Castro, Ildefonso de, 4 

The Catholic Bookman, publication 
of noted, 136 

"The Catholic Church on the Okla- 
homa Frontier," by Sister Ursula 
Thomas, O. S. B., 170-85 

"The Catholic Church on the Okla- 
homa Frontier; A Critical Bib- 
liography," by Sister Ursula 
Thomas, O. S. B., 186-207 

The Catholic Historical Review, con- 
tributions of noted, 136; contents 
of noted, 212 

The Catholic Historical Review, Gen- 
eral Index, publication of noted, 

Cavelier, Jean, 171 

Chambige, Francis, 41 

Champlain, Samuel, 253 

Chardon's Journal at Fort Clark, 
1834-1839, contents of noted, 208 

Cherokee Indians, 170 

Chevrillon, Andrew, 16 

Chicago, Illinois, history of, 32-33; 
celebration of Marquette Day in, 

Chicago River, 31, 33 

Chief Joseph: The Biography of a 
Great Indian, publication of noted, 

Christian Brothers, 97 

"The Chronicle of P6rez de Ribas," 
by Jerome V. Jacobsen, 81-95 

The Church Founders of the North- 
west: Loras, Cretin, and Other 
Captains of Christ, by M. M. Hoff- 

man, revd., 76-77 

Clavijero, Francisco Javier, 158; The 
History of [Lower] California, 
revd., 146-47 

Clay, Henry, 38 

Clemence, Stella R., ed.. The Hark- 
ness Collection in the Library of 
Congress.- Documents from Early 
Peru: The Pizarros and the Amal- 
gras, 1531-1578, revd., 73-74, 94 

Cointet, Father, 38-39 

Colegio Mdximo de San Pedro y San 
Pablo, 89-90, 93 

College of Espiritu Santo, 86 

The Colonial Agents of New York 
and New Jersey, by E. P. Lilly, 
revd., 71-72 

Colorado, ministry of Father How- 
lett in, 43-50 

Colorado River, 121 

The Coming of an Empire, publica- 
tion of noted, 138 

Congregation of the Holy Cross, 38 

Congregation of the Most Holy Ro- 
sary, 261 

Consack, Ferdinandus, 246 

Conway, Thomas M., 47 

C6rdova, Andalusia, Spain, 85 

Coronado expedition, 171 

CORRIGAN, R., revs., Callan's The So- 
ciety of the Sacred Heart in North 
America, 143-44; Espinosa's Span- 
ish Tales from New Mexico, 74 

Crabit^s, Pierre, Victoria's Guardian 
Angel: A Study of Baron Stock- 
mar, revd., 145-46 

Crawford, Eugene J., The Daughters 
of St. Dominic on Long Island, 
revd., 223-24 

Crespi, Juan, 263 

Crook, General, 275-78 

Cruz, Antonio de la, 108, 109, 110, 
117, 118, 120, 121, 124, 127 

CuUen, Thomas F., publication of 
noted, 67 

Currier, Charles Warren, 94 

Current literature and research, no- 
ted, 66-67 

Dabertzhofer, Chrysostomo, 272 

The Daughters of St. Dominic on 
Long Island, by E. J. Crawford, 
revd., 223-24 

Dauzvardis, P., 25 

David, Bishop, 37 

De Blieck, Father, 56, 59 

De Grasse, Felix, 177, 180 

DeNeve, John, 39 

De Quen, Father, 272 

De Smet, Father, 97 

De Soto expedition, 171 

De Xahua-Badliz, Father, 54 

Defouri, J. H., 52, 106 



Delanglez, Jean, revs., Carriere's 
Tales from the French Folk-lore 
of Missouri, 142-43; Quinsonas' 
Monseigneur de Lauheriviere, 75- 
76; Roy's Rapport de I'Archivnste 
de la Province de Quebec pour 
1936-1937, 294:-9G; (tr.) , The Jour- 
nal of Jean Cavelier, revd., 297- 
99; Notes and Comment, passim. 

Delbas, Yvon, 22 

Deuther, C. J., 166 

"The Diary of James M. Doyle," ed. 
by J. V. Jacobsen, 273-83 

Dom Pedro the Magnanimous, by 
M. W. Williams, revd., 296-97 

Don Juan, 12 

"Donato Gasparri, New Mexico-Colo- 
rado Mission Founder," by E. R. 
VOLLMAR, 96-102 

Donay, Father, 172 

Donnelly, Rose, 274 

Doyle, James M., 273-82 

Drexel, Mother Katherine, 178-85 

Drury, E., 50 

Du Bourg, Bishop, 172 

Duarte, Martin, 4, 10 

Ducrue, Benno, 240 

Duffy, F. Ryan, 16, 22, 23 

Dugre, Adelard, 17, 18 

Duhr, Bernnard, 246 

Dunne, Peter M., "Jesuit Annual 
Letters in the Bancroft Library," 

Duperon, Thomas, 177 

Eames, Wilberforce, death of noted, 

Early, General, 278 

Educational Foundations of the Jes- 
uits in Sixteenth-Century Neio 
Spain, by J. V. Jacobsen, revd., 

Engel, Albert J., 22 

EspiNOSA, Jose Manuel, ed., "Ac- 
count of the First Jesuit Mission- 
ary Journey across the Plains to 
Santa Fe," 51-62; Spanish Tales 
from New Mexico, revd., 74 

The Explorers of North America, 
1492-1806, by J. B. Brebner, revd., 

FAHERTY, W. B., "The First English- 
Speaking Parish in Illinois," 164- 

"Father Baegert and His Nachrich- 
ten," by U. Schaefer, 151-63 

"Father Pfefferkorn and His De- 
scription of Sonora," by T. E. 
TREUTLEIN, 229-52 

Faure, Father John, 41 

Federal Writers Project, noted, 67 

Ferrante, Francesco, 53, 98 

Figueroa, Francisco, 267 

Filleau, Jean, 272 

Financial Development of the United 
States, by W. J. Schultz, revd., 

Finotti, J. M., 46 

"The First English-Speaking Parish 
in Illinois," by W. B. FAHERTY, 

Fitzgerald, Edward, 174 

Fitzmaurice, Charles Francis, 167 

Fitzpatrick, John C, 94-95 

Flaget, Bishop, 37, 43, 103 

Florencia, Francisco de, 93, 95 

The Florida Historical Quarterly, 
contents of noted, 213 

Florissant, Missouri, 172 

Fontana, F., 25 

Force, Peter, 94-95 

"The Founding of Missions at La 
Junta de los Rios," by R. C. Rein- 
dorp, 107-31 

Fox, Sister Columba, 105 

Francis, Anselm, 124 

Francisco Franco, publication of no- 
ted, 212 

Gailland, Father, 173 

Gallagher, Father, 168 

Gallegos, Juan de, 268 

Garcia, Juan Antonio, 107, 108, 119, 

Garibaldi, 98-99 

Garraghan, Gilbert J., 24, 28; 
"Marquette's Titles to Fame," 30- 
36; "Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, 
Dominican of the Frontier," 253- 
62; revs., Hoffmann's The Church 
Founders of the Northwest, 76-77 

Garrucho, Jos6, 250 

Gasparri, Dona::o M., 51, 52, 53, 96- 

Gauthreaux, Sister M. Kotska, 52 

Geatley, John, 52 

Gelves, Marques de, 88 

Gerrer, Father, 177 

Gerste, Father, 94 

Gerstner, Michael, 231-34, 237, 241, 

Gibault, Pierre, 164 

Gifford, John, 168 

Girten, Michael F., 25 

Glass, Francis, A Life of George 
Washington in Latin Prose, revd., 

Goodwin, Eneas B., revs.. Glass' A 
Life of George Washington in Lat- 
in Prose, 221-23; Schultz's Finan- 
cial Development of the United 
States, 140-41 

Grant, General, 278 

Gras, Raymundo, 125, 129 

Griffin, Charles Carroll, The United 
States and the Disruption of the 
Spanish Empire, 1810-1822, revd., 



Guida, Father, 102 

A Guide to the Resources of the 
American Antiquarian Society, 
contents noted, 69 

Guilbert, Cardinal, 43 

Halleck, Major General, 282 

Hamilton, Raphael N., 24 

Handbook of Latin American Stud- 
ies, publication of noted, 137 

Hanotaux, M. Gabriel, 20 

The Harkness Collection in the Li- 
brary of Congress: Documents 
from Early Peru: The Pizarros 
and the Amalgros, 1531-1578, ed. 
by S. R. Clemence, revd., 73-74 

Harpers Ferry, Virginia, 275, 277 

Havana, Cuba, 245 

Henry, Jules, 21 

Hergenroether, Dr., 43 

Hettinger, Dr., 43 

The Hispanic- Am,erican Historical 
Review, contributions of noted, 

Historical Bulletin, contents of no- 
ted, 213 

Historical Society of Montreal, pub- 
lication of noted, 132 

History of the Church, publication 
of noted, 212 

A History of Latin America, publi- 
cation of noted, 139 

The History of [Lowerl California, 
by F. J. Clavijero, revd., 146-47 

Hoffmann, M. M., The Church 
Founders of the Northwest: Lo- 
ras. Cretin and Other Captains of 
Christ, revd., 76-77 

Horner, Henry, 25 

Hov/lett, William J., 37-50; 103-06 

Hubbard, Bernard R., 24 

Hubbart, Henry Clyde, The Older 
Middle West, I840-I88O, revd., 214- 

Huonder, Anton, 246 

Hurdaide, Diego Martinez de, 6, 86, 

Idol-worship, among Indians of New 
Spain, 9-11 

Ignacio, Nicolds, 11 

Ignatius Jean, Father, 176, 181, 183 

Igoe, Michael L., 26 

Illinois, early parishes in, 164-69 

Illinois River, 31 

Indian Advocate, 177 

Indian Territory, Catholic Church in, 
170-85; early education in, 178-85 

Institute of Jesuit History, publica- 
tions of noted, 68, 137-38 

Iowa Journal of History and Poli- 
tics, contents of noted, 291 

JACOBSEN, Jerome v., "The Chroni- 
cle of P6rez de Ribas," 81-95; ed., 
"The Diary of James M. Doyle," 

273-83; revs. Castaneda's Our 
Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519- 
1936, 293-94; Clemence's (ed.) 
The Harkness Collection in the 
Library of Congress: Docum,ents 
from, Early Peru.- The Pizarros 
and the Amalgros, 1531-1578, 73- 
74; Report of Royal Institute of 
International Affairs, The Repub- 
lics of South America, 217-19; 
Wagner's The Spanish Southwest, 
15^2-179If, 72-73; his Educational 
Foundations of the Jesuits in the 
Sixteenth-Century New Spain, 
revd., 215-17; Notes and Comment 

James, James Alton, Oliver Pollock.- 
Life and Times of an Unknown 
Patriot, revd., 141-42 

Jameson, John Franklin, death of 
noted, 136 

Jaramillo, Aloruzo, 12 

Jaray, Gabriel Louis, 16 

"Jesuit Annual Letters in the Ban- 
croft Library," by P. M. Dunne, 

The Jesuit Code of Liberal Educa- 
tion, publication of noted, 212 

Jesuit Relations in Canada: A Bib- 
liography, contents of noted, 137 

Johnson, Andrew, 274 

Jolliet, Louis, 19, 23, 30-33, 263 

Joly, Vincent, 183 

Journal of Documentary Publication, 
announcement of noted, 136 

Journal of the Illinois State Histor- 
ical Society, contents of noted, 212 

The Journal of Jean Cavelier, by J. 
Delanglez (tr.), revd., 297-99 

Judge, Thomas F., 274 

Kah, Tschou-kwong R., 25 

Kane, William, revs., Adler's St. 
Thomas and the Gentiles, 224-25; 
Jacobsen's Educational Founda- 
tions of the Jesuits in Sixteenth- 
Century New Spain, 215-17 

Keane, Rev. James, 167, 168 

Kellogg, Louise Phelps, 24, 27, 30, 
33, 36; revs., Delanglez' (tr.) The 
Journal of Jean Cavelier, 297-99 

Kelly, Edward J., 125 

Kelly, Laurence J., 21 

Kenny, John, 167 

Kenny, Laurence J., 27; revs., Al- 
ton's Oliver Pollock: Life and 
Times of an Unknown Patriot, 
141-42; Crawford's The Daughters 
of St. Dominic on Long Island, 

Ketcham, William, 183 

Kidder, H. H., 19 

KiNiBRY, Paul, revs., Hubbart's The 
Older Middle West, I84O-I88O, 
214-15; Lilly's The Colonial 



Agents of New York and New 
Jersey, 71-72 
Kino, Eusebio, 159, 235, 246 
La Follette, Robert M., 22, 27 
Lalemont, Charles, 272 
La Pr6spero, 7 

La Salle, Robert Cavelier, 16 ; anni- 
versary of noted, 132 
La Salle, Rose de, 15 
Lambert, Dominic, 173, 174 
Lamy, Bishop, 51-55, 96, 99-100 

Lanctot, Gustave, appointment of 
noted, 136 

Lanslots, Father, 177 

Laon, FYance, celebration of Mar- 
quette tercentenary in, 15, 17-20 

Laracy, John, 176, 184 

Latour, Jean, 20 

Laurencio, Juan, 88 

Laurent, President, 16 

Le Jeune, Paul, 272 

Leib, Bernard, 17 

Leo XIII, 175 

Letters, Jesuit annual, 263-72 

A Life of George Washington in 
Latin Prose by F. Glass, revd., 

Lilly, Edward P., revs., Crabites' 
Victoria's Guardian Angel.- A 
Study of Baron Stockmar, 145-46; 
his The Colonial Agents of New 
York and New Jersey, revd., 71-72 

Linares, Duke de, 107, 108, 110, 117 

Linck, Wenceslaus, 232 

Lind, C. Laurence, 25 

Lockmiller, David A., Magoon in 
Cuba, revd., 219-20 

Loisel, Regis, 166 

Losa, Francisco, 94 

The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, 
contents noted, 69 

Lower California, astronomical ex- 
pedition to, 284-91 

Ludington, Michigan, Marquette cel- 
ebration in, 24-26, 35 

Lutz, John, 167 

McCabe, Patrick, 167 

McCarthy, Raphael C, 24, 25 

MacChesney, Nathal William, 25 

McGonigle, A. J., 281 

McGoorty, John P., 26 

McGrath, John J., 27 

McKeough, Raymond S., 22 

McMahon, John, 167 

McMaster, James, 174 

McNamara, John M., 21 

McShane, Catherine M., "Pueblo 
Founding in Early Mexico," 3-14 

Machebeuf, Joseph P., 37, 41, 42, 45, 
47, 96, 106 

Machebeuf, Sister Philomena, 106 

Maes, Camillus P., 105 

Magee, William M., 24, 26 

Magoon in Cuba, by D. A. Lockmil- 
ler, revd., 219-20 
Mahoney, Bernard J., 27 
Maria Theresa, 241 
Marlio, Louis, 16 
Marquette, Frangois, 15 
Marquette, Jacques, 15-29, 30-36, 263 
Marquette, Nicholas, 15, 17 
Marquette Tercentenary, 15-29 
Marquette University, 24 
"Marquette's Titles to Fame," by G. 

J. Garraghan, 30-36 
Masoni, Juan Joseph, 110, 117, 118, 

121, 127, 128 
Mattingly, Sister Columba, 105 
Matz, Bishop, 48, 50 
Max Ferdinand, 242 
Mazzuchelli, Samuel Charles, 167, 

Meerschaert, Bishop, 178, 184 
M^ndez, Pedro, 268 
Mendoza, Juan de, 232 
Metzger, Charles H., revs.. Griffin's 
The United States and the Disrup- 
tion of the Spanish Empire 1810- 
1822, 70-71 
Mexico, pueblo founding in, 3-14 
Middendorf, Gottfreid B., 230, 232, 

237, 239, 241, 242 
Miege, Monsignor, 55 
Minnesota History, contents of no- 
ted, 135 
Mississippi River, 30 
Mississippi Valley Maps, noted, 291- 

The Missisippi Valley Historical Re- 
view, contributions of noted, 136 
Missouri River, 3i 
Mission of the Immaculate Concep- 
tion, 34 
Monaghan, Father, 172-73 
Monica, Sister M., And Then the 

Storm, revd., 74-'75 
Monseigneur de Laub^rividre, by de 

Quinsonas, revd., 75-76 
Montavon, William F., 21-22 
Montenegro, Feliciano, 25 
Montesclaros, Viceroy, 86 
Moriarity, Captain, 276 
Morrison, Monsignor, 26 
MuUaly, Charles J., 27 
Mulligan, James A., 273 
Murat, Prince Achille, 16 
Murat, Princess Achille, 16 
Murphy, Bernard, 175, 178 
Murphy, Robert, 20 
Nelligan, Michael, 48 
Nentwig, Johann, 237 
Nerinckx, Father, 103-05 
New Spain, advance of, 3-4 
New York City, 54 
Newberry Library, 267-69 
Nickel, Goswin, 270 



Nieto, Pedro, 93 

Northwest Territory, anniversary of 

noted, 134 
Northwest Territory Celebration 

Commission, publication of noted, 

Norton, Mary T., 22 
Notre Dame, University of, 38 
"The Observance of the Marquette 

Tercentenary," by A. J. O'Dea, 15- 

O'Callaghan, Father, 53 
Och, Joseph, 231-34, 238, 241, 248 
Ochaam, Lorenzo, 240 
O'Connor, Thomas F., 52; "William 

Howlett, Pioneer Missionary and 

Historian," 37-50; 103-06 
O'Daniel, Victor, 105 
O'Dea, Arthur J., "The Observance 

of the Marquette Tercentenary," 

Odin, John, 172 
O'Donaghue, Denis, 50 
Ogg, Frederick Austin, 30 
Ohio River, 31 

Oklahoma, Catholic church on fron- 
tier of, 170-207 
Oldenburg, G., 26 
The Older Middle West, 181^0-1880, 

by H. C. Hubbart, revd., 214-15 
Oliphant, J. Orin, article of noted, 68 
Oliver Pollock: Life and Times of an 

Unk7iown Patriot, by J. A. James, 

revd., 141-42 
O'Neil, Edward L., 22 
Osorio, Gregorio, 107, 108, 114, 119, 

122, 126 
Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 

1519-1936, Vol. Ill, by C. E. Cas- 

taneda, revd., 293-94 
Our Lady of Loretto, Congregation 

of, 52 
Owens, Sister Lilliana, 52 
The Pacific Northwest Quarterly, 

contents of noted, 69, 135 
Padilla, Father, 171-72 
Paillaison, Vital, 166 
Palafox, Bishop, 91 
Paresse, Angelo, 54 
Parvillez, A. de, 17 
Paul, Madame, 18 
Perch6, Archbishop, 173 
P^rez, Juan, 263 
Perez, Martin, 86, 268 
Perriere, General, 16 
Pfefferkorn, Ignaz, 229-52 
Pfefferkorn, Isabella, 230-42 
Pichardo, Father, 82 
Pierre-qui-Vire, France, 173 
Pinto, Father, 101 
Pius VI, 55 

Pius IX, 174 *, 

Pius XI, 26, 36 

Placidus, Father, 177 

Ponziglione, Paul, 172 

Portola, Caspar, 161 

Potomac River, 277 

Power, Thomas, 240 

Priber, Christian Gottleib, 63-65 

"Pueblo Founding in Early Mexico," 
by C. M. McShane, 3-14 

Quaife, Milo M., 33, 34 

Quinsonas, Comte de, Monseigneur 
de Lauheriviere, revd., 75-76 

Rabaut, Louis C, 22 

Ramirez, Andres, 108-31 

Rapport de VArcMviste de la Prov- 
ince de Quebec pour 1936-1937, by 
P. G. Roy, revd., 294-96 

Raverdy, John B., 45 

Ready, Michael J., 16, 21, 23 

Rediscovering Illinois: Archaelogical 
Explorations in and around Ful- 
ton County, publication of noted, 

Regis College, Denver, Colorado, 102 

Rehds, Georg, 249 

Reilly, Father, 173 

Report of the Archivist of the 
United States, 1936-1937, contents 
of noted, 135 

A Report of the Spanish Archives in 
San Antonio, Texas, publication of 
noted, 135 

Report of the Newberry Library, 
publication of noted, 209 

Republican Hispanic America: A 
History, contents of noted, 138 

The Republics of South America, 
publication of noted, 139 

Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, pub- 
lication of noted, 68 

Reindorp, Reginald C, "The Found- 
ing of Missions at La Junta de 
los Rios," 107-31 

The Republics of South America, 
Report of the Royal Institute of 
International Affairs, revd., 217-19 

Rey, Juan Cortes del, 113, 125, 127 

Reynolds, Marion, 264 

Ribas, Andres Perez de, 81-95, 271 

Richard, Gabriel, 165 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 272 

Ricklin, Isidore, 177, 181-82 

RiPPY, J. Fred, revs., Clavijero's The 
History of [Loiver] California, 

Robot, Isidore, 173-76, 178 

Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 26, 34 

Rosary College, 261 

Rosati, Bishop, 166-67, 256, 258 

Ross, Robert, 125 

Roy, Pierre-Georges, Rapport de 
I'Archiviste de la Province de 
Quebec pour 1936-1937, revd., 294- 



Royal Institute of International Af- 
fairs, The Republics of South 
America, revd., 217-19 

Rusles, Sebastian, 272 

Ruhen, Heinrich, 235, 250 

Ryan, P. M., 282 

Saint Albertus Magnus, publication 
of noted, 213 

St. Cyr, Father, 274 

St. Mary's Cathedral, 274 

St. Thomas and the Gentiles, by M. 
J. Adler, revd., 224-25 

Saint Thomas Seminary, Bardstown, 
Kentucky, 42, 105 

Salpointe, John B., 106 

Salvatierras, Father, 159 

"Samuel Charles Mazzuchelli, Do- 
minican of the Frontier," by G. J. 
Garraghan, 253-62 

San Juan, Manuel, 107, 111 

Sclnchez, Juan, 93 

Sdnchez, Sister Don Jose Maria de 
Agreda, 94 

Sante Fe, New Mexico, 51, 52 

Santaren, Hernando, 4, 5, 6, 12, 13, 

SCHAEFER, Ursula, "Father Baegert 
and His Nachrichten," 151-63 

Schiffini, Father, 102 

Schmidt, Antonio L., 25 

Schultz, W. J., Financial Develop- 
m,ent of the United States, revd., 

Secchi, Father, 54 

Sedelmeyer, Jacobus, 246-48 

Segale, Sister Blandina, 100 

Segesser, Philip, 234 

Serna, Juan P6rez de la, 88 

Shanahan, Father, 173 

Shea, Joseph, 175 

Shenandoah River, 275, 277 

Sheridan, General, 278, 281 

Shiels, W. Eugene, revs., Brebner's 
The Explorers of North Am,erica, 
U92-1806, 144-45; Lockmiller's 
Magoon in Cuba, 219-20; Sister M. 
Monica's And Then the Storin, 74- 
75; Williams' Dom Pedro the Mag- 
nanimous, 296-97 

Shoburn, Colonel, 282 

Sierra Madre Mountains, 45 

Siminson, Captain, 282 

Sisters of Charity, 97 

Sisters of Loretto, 97 

Sluiter, Engel, 240 

Smyth, Father, 173 

Society of American Archivists, 
meeting of noted, 135 

The Society of the Sacred Heart in 
North America, by L. Callan, 
revd., 143-44 

Sommervogel, Carlos, 246 

Sonora, Mexico, Pfefferkorn's de- 

scription of, 229-52 

Spalding, Martin John, 105 

Spanish Tales from New Mexico, by 
J. M. Espinosa, revd., 74 

The Spanish Southwest, 15Jf2-179Jf, 
by H. R. Wagner, revd., 72-73 

Spencer. Robert Wilson, 35 

Steffi, Matthias, 232 

Stiger, Kaspar, 234, 248, 250 

Streit, Robert, 246 

Strowski, Fortuna, 16 

Studies, publication of noted, 135 

Sweet, William Warren, publications 
of noted, 68 

Tales from the French Folk-lore of 
Missouri, by J. M. Carriere, revd., 

Tamaral, Father, 160 

Tanner, Mathias, 272 

Tapia, Domingo de, 11 

Tapia, Caspar de, 11 

Tardiveau, Bartholomew, 165 

Tasistro, L. F., 83, 94, 95 

Tessan, Frangois de, 20 

Their Weight in Wildcats: Tales of 
the Frontier, publication of noted, 

Thirs, Ignacio, 157 

Thomas, Sister Ursula, O. S. B., 
"The Catholic Church on the Okla- 
homa Frontier," 170-85; "The 
Catholic Church on the Oklahoma 
Frontier; A Critical Bibliogra- 
phy," 186-207 

Thompson, Sister Alfonsina, 60 

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 271 

Timon, Father John, 166 

Tinayre, Marce^la, 16 

Tommasini, Father, 102 

Tapin, Jean, 16 

Trans-Mississippi West, 32 

Transactions of the Illinois State 
Historical Society, 1936, contents 
noted, 68-69 

The Transit of Venus, 1769, 284-91 

Trasvina Retis, Juan Antonio de, 

Treutlein, T. E., "Father Pfeffer- 
korn and His Description of So- 
nora," 229-52 

Trinidad, New Mexico, 61 

Tromby, Vito M., 52 

Troianek, Father, 102 

Turner, Henry Jackson, 255 

Ugarte, Juan, 246 

The United States and the Disrup- 
tion of the Spanish Empire, 1810- 
1822, by C. C. Griffin, revd., 70-71 

United States Catholic Historical So- 
ciety, publication of noted, 67-68 

VOLLMAR, Edward R., "Donato Gas- 
parri. New Mexico-Colorado Mis- 
sion Founder," 96-102 



Van Cloostere, V., 166, 168 

Van de Velde, Bishop, 167 

VanHulst, Father, 172 

Van Quickenborne, Father, 172 

Van Imhoff, G. G., 240 

Velasco, Pedro de, 268 

Venegas, Miguel, 152, 154, 162 

Vennema, John, 25 

Vera Cruz, Mexico, 245 

Veres, Laureano, 94-95 

Verneuil, Rillart de, 15, 18 

Vezza, Raffaele, 53, 98 

Victoria's Guardian Angel: A Study 

of Baron Stockmar, by P. Crabites, 

revd., 145-46 
Vigilante, Livio, 54, 60, 98-99 
Villa Puente, Marquis de la, 159 
Villalta, Crist6bal de, 86 
Vimont, Barthelemy, 272 
Visconti, Ignatius, 231 

Vitelleschi, Mutius, 271 

Wagner, Henry R., The Spanish 
Southtvest, 15Jt2-179Jf, revd., 72-73 

Walsh, Edmund A., 21 

Walsh, Father, 172-73 

Webb, B. J., 105 

Weiller, Rene, 25 

Westercamp, Charles, 18, 20 

Westbrook, Richard E., 25 

Willard, Father, 180 

Willebrand, Father, 177 

"William Howlett, Pioneer Mission- 
ary and Historian," by T. F. 
O'Connor, 37-50; 103-06 

Williams, Mary Wilhelmina, Dom 
Pedro the Magnanimous, revd., 

Wisconsin River, 31 

Witte, Father, 168 

Zapata, Juan Ortiz, 266 


3 0311 00147 6451 

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